Wells v. Liddy

37 F. App'x 53
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit
DecidedMarch 1, 2002
Docket01-1266
StatusUnpublished
Cited by8 cases

This text of 37 F. App'x 53 (Wells v. Liddy) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Wells v. Liddy, 37 F. App'x 53 (4th Cir. 2002).

Opinion

OPINION

PER CURIAM.

This defamation case, filed by Ida Maxwell “Maxie” Wells against G. Gordon Liddy, reaches this court for the second time. Wells’s defamation claims are based on statements Liddy made alleging that Wells was involved with a call-girl ring while working as a secretary at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in 1972. The district court initially granted Liddy’s motion for summary judgment, concluding that Wells, an involuntary public figure, could not prove that Liddy acted with actual malice. Wells appealed and this court held that under the evidence presented, a rational trier of fact could conclude that Liddy acted with actual malice. See Wells v. Liddy, 186 F.3d 505, 542-44 (4th Cir. 1999). This court further held that Wells was a private individual, and therefore, *56 that while a showing of actual malice was required to recover punitive and presumed damages, she needed only to prove that Liddy was negligent in making the statements to recover compensatory damages. On remand the district court held a trial, but the jury was unable to render a verdict. Based upon the trial record, the district court granted Liddy’s renewed motion for judgment as a matter of law, holding that no reasonable jury could find that Liddy was negligent in making the allegedly false statements. Because we determine that the evidence does not preclude Wells from proving that Liddy failed to take reasonable steps in assessing the veracity of his statements, we reverse the district court’s grant of judgment as a matter of law and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

I.

Recognizing the importance of the historical background in this case, we begin by briefly recounting the chronology of events that underlie the present dispute. 1 From February of 1972 until July of 1972, Wells was employed at the DNC offices in Washington, D.C., located at that time in the Watergate complex. Wells worked as the secretary to Spencer Oliver, Executive Director of the Association of State Democratic Chairmen.

In the early morning hours of June 17, 1972, Frank Wills, a security guard, summoned the police because a door at the Watergate had been suspiciously taped so that it would not lock. Upon their arrival, the police arrested five men, and the inquiry into the now infamous Watergate break-in began. The initial focus of the investigation targeted the five would-be burglars and two of their co-conspirators, namely E. Howard Hunt, then White House aide, and Liddy, then counsel for the Committee to Reelect the President. All seven were indicted by a federal grand jury on September 15, 1972. Liddy was charged with multiple counts of burglary, conspiracy, and interception of wire and oral communications. Liddy, refusing to plead guilty or cooperate with the prosecution, was tried, convicted, and served fifty-two months in prison.

James McCord, one of the five burglars, pled guilty to a variety of burglary, conspiracy, and wiretapping charges but then claimed that he was pressured to plead guilty and lie during the district court proceedings. McCord’s allegations implicated high-level administration officials. As subsequent investigations unfolded, the White House’s effort to cover up its involvement led to the imprisonment of several high-ranking White House officials and ultimately to the resignation of President Richard M. Nixon in August of 1974.

Since his release in 1977, Liddy has engaged in public commentary through a successful radio talk show, an autobiography, and as a frequent speaker on the lecture circuit. During several public appearances, Liddy presented an alternative theory behind the Watergate break-in. 2 This alternative theory, which is described in a 1991 book by Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin titled Silent Coup: The Removal of a President, alleges that John Dean had personally ordered the Watergate break-in to protect his own reputation and the reputation of his now-wife Maureen Biner. *57 Len Colodny & Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President, 131— 33,147-48 (1991).

Biner was allegedly a close friend of Erica L. “Heidi” Rikan, who operated a call-girl operation at the Columbia Plaza apartments, near the Watergate complex. The Silent Coup theory of the break-in asserts that Phillip Mackin Bailley, an attorney, used his connections with the DNC to promote Rikan’s prostitution ring. According to Colodny and Gettlin, when Oliver was not in the office, his phone, which was the target of the first Watergate break-in, was used to arrange meetings between visitors to the DNC and Rikan’s call girls. Bailley was arrested and indicted for various crimes, including violations of the Mann Act, and as a result, his address books were seized.

According to Silent Coup, Dean, upon hearing of Bailley’s arrest, called the Assistant United States Attorney investigating the case and summoned him to the White House. During this meeting, Dean supposedly stated that he thought the Democrats had leaked the story about the prostitution ring. Dean photocopied Bailley’s address book to compare it with a list of White House Staff. Biner’s name, as well as an alias of her good friend Rikan, were found in Barney’s address book.

The implication, therefore, is that Dean ordered the second and ill-fated Watergate break-in to determine whether the Democrats had information Unking Biner to the Bailley/Rikan call-girl ring and, if they did, whether they intended to use that information to embarrass him and the White House. The authors of Silent Coup, noting that one of the Watergate burglars was found to be carrying a key to Wells’s desk, prompt its readers to contemplate the following unanswered question: “Why would a Watergate burglar have a key to Wells’s desk in his possession, and what items of possible interest to a Watergate burglar were maintained in WeUs’s locked desk drawer?” Colodny & Gettlin, supra, at 159 (emphasis in original).

Beginning in 1988, Liddy had extensive conversations with Colodny regarding the Silent Coup theory, and by 1991, Liddy had reached the conclusion that the theory was vahd. As a result, in 1991, Liddy endorsed the theory in a special paperback edition of his autobiography titled Will. On June 3, 1991, Liddy met with Bailley to discuss Bailley’s involvement with the Rikan prostitution ring. During that meeting Bailley described to Liddy how the DNC procured prostitution services for some of its visitors. According to Bailley, photographs of Rikan’s call girls were kept in a desk in the Oliver/WeUs/Governors area and various personnel at the DNC would display the photographs to DNC visitors and would then arrange meetings with the visitor’s call girl of choice. Bailley also stated that DNC employees were paid a commission on their referrals. Liddy began routinely to incorporate the Silent Coup theory of the Watergate break-in, including his discussion with Bailley, into his pubhc speeches. This case on appeal concerns two occasions on which Liddy espoused the

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37 F. App'x 53, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/wells-v-liddy-ca4-2002.