Vermont Right to Life Committee, Inc. v. Sorrell

19 F. Supp. 2d 204, 1998 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 14405, 1998 WL 601346
District Court, D. Vermont·Decided September 9, 1998·No. 2:97-cv-00286·Published·Cited by 11 cases

Opinion

OPINION AND ORDER

SESSIONS, District Judge.

In this civil action for declaratory and in-junctive relief under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, Vermont Right to Life Committee, Inc., (“VRLC”) seeks a determination that Vermont’s recently-enacted campaign finance reform statutes which regulate political advertising are unconstitutional facially and as applied. Before the Court are the Plaintiffs, Defendants’ and Defendant-Interveners’ motions for summary judgment.

BACKGROUND

“Never does the Constitution of the United States loom over the regulatory projects of [the legislative and executive branches] more conspicuously than when they seek to regulate activity protected by the First Amendment.” Frank J. Sorauf, Politics, Experience and the First Amendment: the Case of American Campaign Finance Reform, 94 Colum. L.Rev. 1348, 1348 (1994). The quest for effective campaign finance reform measures which can withstand First Amendment scrutiny has been conducted over the past twenty-two years in the shadow of the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 96 S.Ct. 612, 46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976), which prohibited limits on campaign expenditures, approved limits on campaign contributions, approved reporting and disclosure requirements on campaign contributions, and approved public financing of presidential election campaigns. Whether Buckley’s shadow is characterized as protective or obfuseatory has been widely debated. See, e.g., C. Edwin Baker, Campaign Expenditures and Free Speech, 33 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L.Rev. 1, 1-2 (1998); David A. Strauss, Corruption, Equality and Campaign Finance Reform, 94 Colum. L.Rev. 1369, 1369 (1994); Ralph K. Winter, The History and Theory of Buckley v. Valeo, 6 J.L. & Pol’y 93, 94 (1997). What is uncontested is the increasing use, post-Buckley, of “soft money” (money raised by political parties free of contribution limits) to engage in “issue advocacy” (communication which primarily promotes ideas or policies as distinguished from “express advocacy” which advocates the election or defeat of a candidate), and the efforts of campaign finance reformers at the state and federal level to regulate this activity consistent with the First Amendment.

*207 Too many commentators on the need for campaign finance reform decry the Buckley decision, and proclaim that clean elections and free speech are on a collision course. Witness, for example, House minority leader Richard A. Gephardt’s testimony in support of a Constitutional amendment mandating campaign finance reform: “we have two important values in direct conflict: free speech ... and our desires for healthy campaigns in a healthy democracy. As the [Buckley] court has framed it, you cannot have both.” Free Speech and Campaign Finance Reform: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on the Constitution of the House Comm. on the Judiciary, 105th Cong. (1997) (remarks of Richard A. Gephardt, House minority leader), paraphrased in Joel M. Gora, Campaign Finance Reform: Still Searching Today for a Better Way, 6 J.L. & Pol’y 137, 175 (1997). On the contrary, a healthy democracy cannot survive without both: the rights to participation in the election process and to freedom of expression and association are the bedrock of our society. In the words of Justice Hugo Black, writing for the Supreme Court: “No right is more precious in a free country than that of having a voice in the election of those who make the laws under which, as good citizens, we must live. Other rights ... are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.” Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17, 84 S.Ct. 526, 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964). In the words of Justice Louis Brandéis: “freedom to think as you will and to speak as you think are means indispensable to the discovery and spread of political truth; ... public discussion is a political duty; and ... this should be a fundamental principle of the American government.” Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 375, 47 S.Ct. 641, 71 L.Ed. 1095 (1927) (concurring opinion, joined by Holmes, J.). James Madison, in his report to the General Assembly of Virginia in 1798 condemning the Sedition Act, stressed the interdependency of these rights:

Let it be recollected, lastly, that the right of electing the members of the government constitutes more particularly the essence of a free and responsible government. The value and efficacy of this right depends on the knowledge of the comparative merits and demerits of the candidates for public trust, and on the equal freedom, consequently, of examining and discussing these merits of the candidates respectively.

4 Elliot’s Debates on the Federal Constitution 575 (1876), quoted in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 275 n. 15, 84 S.Ct. 710, 11 L.Ed.2d 686 (1964).

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Vermont Right to Life Committee, Inc. v. Sorrell, 19 F. Supp. 2d 204, 1998 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 14405, 1998 WL 601346 (D. Vt. 1998).

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