Untitled Texas Attorney General Opinion: KP-0501

CourtTexas Attorney General Reports
DecidedOctober 30, 2025
DocketKP-0501
StatusPublished

This text of Untitled Texas Attorney General Opinion: KP-0501 (Untitled Texas Attorney General Opinion: KP-0501) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Texas Attorney General Reports primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

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Untitled Texas Attorney General Opinion: KP-0501, (Tex. 2025).

Opinion

October 29, 2025

The Honorable Glen Harwood 142nd Judicial District Attorney 500 North Loraine Street, Suite 200 Midland, Texas 79701

Opinion No. KP-0501

Re: The carrying of concealed firearms in courtrooms by the District Attorney and Assistant District Attorneys under Texas Penal Code § 46.15(a)(6) and (a)(7) (RQ-0598-KP)

Dear Mr. Harwood:

Your inquiry concerns the right to lawfully carry a concealed firearm in court. 1 For context, you explain that you and your assistant district attorneys are licensed to carry concealed firearms. Request Letter at 1. “Certain district judges and county court-at-law judges” have nonetheless implemented a policy that prohibits any person “who is not a bailiff or peace officer from carrying a firearm in government courts in Midland County.” Id. You also indicate that the Court Security Committee is contemplating enacting an identical policy. Id. at 1−2. In light of these circumstances, you ask whether the Penal Code provides “affirmative statutory authority for licensed prosecutors to carry concealed firearms in government courts in the ordinary course of their duties” or serves merely as a defense to prosecution. Id. at 1. You also ask whether “a district or county court-at-law judge” has authority to “forbid the carrying of concealed firearms by licensed prosecutors” in the judge’s respective court and, relatedly, whether the Court Security Committee has authority to implement the same policy for “courts in Midland County.” Id.

Texas has drawn upon history and tradition to maximize law-abiding citizens’ affirmative right to publicly carry firearms through statutory defenses and exceptions.

It is well known that “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms[] shall not be infringed.” U.S. CONST. amend. II; accord TEX. CONST. art. I, § 23 (“Every citizen shall have the right to keep and bear arms in the lawful defence of himself or the State[] . . . .”). This guarantee represents a “fundamental,” “necessary” pillar of “our system of ordered liberty,” McDonald v.

1 Letter from Mr. Glenn Harwood, Midland Cnty. Dist. Att’y, to Hon. Ken Paxton, Tex. Att’y Gen. at 1 (May 2, 2025), https://www.texasattorneygeneral.gov/sites/default/files/request-files/request/2025/RQ0598KP.pdf (“Request Letter”). The Honorable Glen Harwood - Page 2

City of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742, 778 (2010), which “secures for Americans a means of self- defense,” United States v. Rahimi, 602 U.S. 680, 690 (2024); see also, e.g., District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 592 (2008) (highlighting the “individual right to possess and carry weapons”); N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1, 32 (2022) (highlighting the right to “carry[] handguns publicly for self-defense”). But the right does not derive from government; it precedes the Constitution, which simply “recognizes [its] pre-existence.” Heller, 554 U.S. at 592.

Indeed, “[t]he spark that ignited the American Revolution was struck” against this reality. Rahimi, 602 U.S. at 690; see also, e.g., Heller, 554 U.S. at 594. During “the tumultuous decades of the 1760’s and 1770’s, the Crown began to disarm” American colonies—whose response drew from “their rights as Englishmen to keep arms.” Heller, 554 U.S. at 594. Early “Americans understood the ‘right of self-preservation’ as permitting a citizen to ‘repe[l] force by force’ when ‘the intervention of society in his behalf[] may be too late to prevent an injury.’” Id. at 595 (alteration in original) (quoting 1 BLACKSTONE’S COMMENTARIES 145–46, n.42 (1803)). It thus comes as little surprise that the first shots of the Revolutionary War were preceded by a British officer’s futile command: “[T]hrow down your Arms and disperse.” Wednesday’s Post, THE DERBY MERCURY, May 26, 1775, at 3 (reprinting ESSEX GAZETTE (Salem) (Apr. 25, 1775)).

This lesson was not soon forgotten. During the Reconstruction era, too, it was understood that to “[d]isarm a community” is to “rob them of the means of defending life” and “liberty” alike. Rahimi, 602 U.S. at 690 (quoting CONG. GLOBE, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. 1967 (1868)). Though “Union Army commanders took steps to secure the right of all citizens to keep and bear arms, . . . Congress concluded that legislative action was necessary.” McDonald, 561 U.S. at 773 (footnote omitted). This resulted in statutes like “the Freedmen’s Bureau Act of 1866, which provided that . . . ‘the constitutional right to bear arms[] shall be secured to and enjoyed by all the citizens . . . without respect to race or color.’” Id. (alteration in original) (emphasis omitted) (quoting Freedmen’s Bureau Act, ch. 200, 14 Stat. 176–77 (1866)). Likewise, “Congress’s desire to enable the newly freed slaves to defend themselves against former Confederates helped inspire the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, which secured the right to bear arms against interference by the States.” Rahimi, 602 U.S. at 690.

Texas inherited and expanded upon this fundamentally American sentiment. See generally Stephen P. Halbrook, The Right to Bear Arms in Texas: The Intent of the Framers of the Bills of Rights, 41 BAYLOR L. REV. 629, 634 (1989) (observing “[t]he right to keep and bear arms was both a republican principle[] . . . and a practical necessity for the early settlers”). Not only did the Texas Declaration of Independence make express note of Santa Anna’s demand that Texans “deliver up our arms,” THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE para. 13 (Tex. 1836) (highlighting they are “essential to our defence, the rightful property of freemen, and formidable only to tyrannical governments”), but the Constitution of the Republic of Texas—an “independent, national constitution” from which our modern charter derives, Davenport v. Garcia, 834 S.W.2d 4, 15 (Tex. 1992)—expressly confirmed that “[e]very citizen shall have the right to bear arms in defence of himself and the republic.” REPUB. TEX. CONST. art. XIV, reprinted in 1 H.P.N. Gammel, The Laws of Texas 1822–1897 (Austin, Gammel Book Co. 1898). This guarantee was rooted in the observance that “[t]he right of a citizen to bear arms, in the lawful defense of himself or the state, is absolute” and “does not derive from the state government[] but directly from the sovereign convention of the people that framed [it].” Cockrum v. State, 24 Tex. 394, 401–02 (1859); accord The Honorable Glen Harwood - Page 3

Heller, 554 U.S. at 592. Recognition of gun rights therefore continued unabated in each constitution that followed, TEX. CONST. art. I, § 13 (1845); TEX. CONST. art. I, § 13 (1861); TEX. CONST. art. I, § 13 (1866); TEX. CONST. art. I, § 13 (1869); TEX. CONST. art. I, § 23 (1876), and forever memorialized “a strong moral check against the usurpation of arbitrary power by rulers,” TEX. CONST. art. I, § 23 interp. commentary (West 2022).

This truth persisted even in the aftermath of our Civil War. Gun rights advanced liberty for freed, black Texans who famously “procured great numbers of old army muskets and revolvers” in order “to protect themselves” with “vigor and audacity.” Bruen, 597 U.S. at 62 (quoting S. Exec. Doc. No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., at 8 (1866)). “[B]ands of armed whites [were nonetheless] traversing the country” and “forcibly robbing the freedmen of their arms,” which led to predictions “that the law-abiding will be compelled, in the exercise of the sacred right of self defense, to organize for their own protection.” 2 Halbrook, supra, at 654–55 (citations and internal quotations omitted).

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