United States v. Sir Maejor Page

CourtCourt of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
DecidedDecember 30, 2025
Docket24-3871
StatusPublished

This text of United States v. Sir Maejor Page (United States v. Sir Maejor Page) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Sir Maejor Page, (6th Cir. 2025).

Opinion

RECOMMENDED FOR PUBLICATION Pursuant to Sixth Circuit I.O.P. 32.1(b) File Name: 25a0359p.06

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT

┐ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, │ Plaintiff-Appellee, │ > No. 24-3871 │ v. │ │ SIR MAEJOR PAGE, │ Defendant-Appellant. │ ┘

Appeal from the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio at Toledo. No. 3:21-cr-00157-1—Jeffrey James Helmick, District Judge.

Argued: December 11, 2025

Decided and Filed: December 30, 2025

Before: MOORE, THAPAR, and RITZ, Circuit Judges.

_________________

COUNSEL

ARGUED: Kevin M. Schad, FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER’S OFFICE, Cincinnati, Ohio, for Appellant. Segev Phillips, UNITED STATES ATTORNEY’S OFFICE, Cleveland, Ohio, for Appellee. ON BRIEF: Kevin M. Schad, FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER’S OFFICE, Cincinnati, Ohio, for Appellant. Segev Phillips, UNITED STATES ATTORNEY’S OFFICE, Cleveland, Ohio, for Appellee. _________________

OPINION _________________

THAPAR, Circuit Judge. In summer 2020, Sir Maejor Page raised hundreds of thousands of dollars through a Facebook page he created for Black Lives Matter of Greater Atlanta. Donors thought Page was using their funds to support protests. But in reality, he spent No. 24-3871 United States v. Page Page 2

the money on a prostitute, guns, booze, tailored suits, and a new house. As a result, Page was convicted of wire fraud and money laundering. On appeal, he challenges both his conviction and sentence. Because none of his arguments has merit, we affirm.

I.

A.

In 2014, Sir Maejor Page lived in Atlanta, Georgia, where he participated in various activist movements. Around that time, he became interested in helping set up a local Black Lives Matter chapter. But Page soon grew disillusioned with the group due to differences of opinion. So Page created his own organization called Black Lives Matter of Greater Atlanta (BLMGA). He wanted to focus both on protesting “in the street[,] shutting stuff down, block[ing] intersections off, stopping the traffic” and on presenting “policy and legislation.” R. 147, Pg. ID 3977. To help get this new organization off the ground, Page created a Facebook page for BLMGA. He incorporated the group as a nonprofit with the State of Georgia. He filed for tax-exempt status with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). And he opened a bank account for BLMGA.

The upshot of all these efforts? Page was able to use BLMGA’s tax-exempt status to receive donations through Facebook’s “Fundraisers” feature, which allows users to raise money from their friends. Users might, for example, start fundraisers for their birthdays. They could then choose whether to raise money for themselves or for a nonprofit. If they chose the latter option, Facebook provided a searchable list of all registered tax-exempt organizations. And if users typed in “Black Lives Matter,” the first option that appeared was BLMGA.

Despite these early efforts to set up BLMGA, Page didn’t file certain tax forms for three consecutive years. So in 2019, the IRS revoked BLMGA’s tax-exempt status. Nine months later, Page sent a message to Facebook from his personal account stating that BLMGA was no longer a tax-exempt organization and requesting to cancel all donations and fundraisers. Facebook then asked for some additional information about BLMGA to process Page’s request. But Page never provided that information. As a result, BLMGA remained listed as a nonprofit and continued to receive small donations every month, usually a few hundred dollars. No. 24-3871 United States v. Page Page 3

But that slow trickle of donations turned into a heavy stream following the death of George Floyd. Between May and September 2020, more than $490,000 in donations flowed into BLMGA’s account. Although Page had pinned a notice on BLMGA’s page that the organization was no longer tax exempt or registered with the State of Georgia, the notice simultaneously told Facebook users that BLMGA was still a “grassroots organization that exposes injustice.” R. 144, Pg. ID 3454. In fact, when Facebook users asked Page how he would use their donations, he reassured them that BLMGA would use the funds for “equipment, protest gears, food, snacks, drinks, attorney fees, tents, sunscreen, bonding people out of jail, et cetera.” R. 143, Pg. ID 3309. Page was emphatic that his use of the funds was “not personal” but rather “for the movement.” Id. at 3310.

Despite these reassurances, some Facebook users became skeptical of BLMGA. One user accused the organization of being a “for-profit website media company.” Id. at 3324. But Page remained steadfast, responding, “We aren’t for-profit. We are grassroots.” Id. Likewise, when one user questioned BLMGA’s loss of tax-exempt status, Page publicly clarified, “You can send donations. . . . [T]hey just aren’t tax exempt. Funds will be used to help protest in other needed markets.” Id. at 3325. And when another user asked if BLMGA was connected to Black Lives Matter Atlanta, Page simply replied, “We will be using funds to fight for justice for George Floyd” and “[t]o organize protests in other markets.” Id. at 3320.

These Facebook users were right to be skeptical. Page didn’t use the funds to fight for justice for George Floyd. Nor did he use the funds to purchase protest supplies. Instead, he went on a spending spree, using the donated funds to line his own pockets. Page started off rather modestly. He spent BLMGA funds at a bowling alley, lounge, bar, restaurant, grocery store, and guitar store. But as BLMGA raked in more and more donations, Page’s purchases became more and more lavish. For example, he spent $2,000 on tailored suits and other menswear. And then he went big. He used over $108,000 from the BLMGA account to purchase a house in Toledo, Ohio. He bragged to his friends that he “bought a big ass crib[]” and invited them to “[c]ome see my new house,” which he described as “huge” and a “mini mansion.” Id. at 3374–76. But Page still wasn’t satisfied. So he spent $15,000 on home renovations, purchased $1,000 in new appliances, and sought an estimate to install a pool. No. 24-3871 United States v. Page Page 4

And that’s not all. In August 2020, Page used $300 of the BLMGA donations to hire a prostitute. When the prostitute arrived at his hotel, Page recorded their conversation. She told him that he could pay her extra money for more time with her. But Page told her that he would need to “get more money out of the ATM machine,” and he was worried that would raise “too many red flags.” R. 115, Pg. ID 458.

Finally, Page used BLMGA funds to purchase guns and ammunition. Before doing so, he asked an attorney whether he could spend BLMGA funds on firearms. That attorney informed Page “it would not be appropriate . . . for an organization like Black Lives Matter to purchase firearms with funds of the charitable organization.” R. 144, Pg. ID 3569–70. But Page was undeterred. He proceeded to shell out over $2,200 of BLMGA money on a pistol, two “AR- 15 style rifles,” a “100-round AR-15 drum magazine,” and handgun ammunition. R. 143, Pg. ID 3384.

B.

Eventually, Page’s house of cards came crashing down. In March 2021, a grand jury in the Northern District of Ohio indicted him on one count of wire fraud and three counts of money laundering. The indictment alleged that Page carried out a scheme to defraud donors by misrepresenting how BLMGA would use their donations. It further alleged that Page violated the money-laundering statutes by using the proceeds of this fraud scheme to purchase the Toledo home and furniture for that house. Page’s case proceeded to trial, he chose to testify, and the jury convicted him on all counts.

Before sentencing, the U.S. Probation Office prepared a presentence investigation report (PSR), which calculated Page’s advisory sentencing range under the U.S.

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United States v. Sir Maejor Page, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-sir-maejor-page-ca6-2025.