United States v. Ramos

39 F. App'x 330
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedMarch 8, 2002
DocketNo. 01-2560
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 39 F. App'x 330 (United States v. Ramos) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Ramos, 39 F. App'x 330 (7th Cir. 2002).

Opinion

ORDER

A jury found Juan “Pops” Ramos, a 35-year-old member of the Maniac Latin Disciples, guilty of one count of conspiracy to possess and distribute cocaine and crack cocaine, 21 U.S.C. §§ 846 and 841(a)(1), one count of possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine, 21 U.S.C. § 841(a)(1), two counts of using a telephone in furtherance of the drug conspiracy, 21 U.S.C. § 843(b), and one count of possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine, 21 U.S.C. § 841(a)(1). Ramos now argues that his conspiracy sentence of 420 months’ imprisonment violates the principles of Apprendi v. New Jersey, 530 U.S. 466, 120 S.Ct. 2348, 147 L.Ed.2d 435 (2000), and that the government’s evidence, which included recordings from wiretaps as well as testimony from cooperating gang members and Ramos’s former girlfriend, was insufficient to support his conspiracy conviction. We affirm.

I.

Since the early 1980’s, Juan Ramos has been a member of the Maniac Latin Disciples (“MLDs”) streetgang. The MLDs operate primarily on the near northwest side of Chicago, in the Humboldt and Wicker Park neighborhoods. They align themselves with a loose consortium of gangs known as the “Folks Nation.” The “Folks” include such gangs as the Satan Disciples, the Spanish Cobras, the Latin Jivers, and the Gangster Disciples. In general, “Folks” are opposed to the “People Nation,” whose main constituent is the Latin Kings gang, but sometimes intrafamily rivalries over street-corner turf or perceived slights can erupt in a Folks civil war. The MLDs, as well as many other Chicago streetgangs, are organized into “sections” denominated by the particular street corners where members meet and sell drugs, e.g., Rockwell and Potomac or Beach and Paulina. These sections are hierarehal, with the younger “pee wees and foot soldiers” at the bottom, lieutenants (“1st C, 2nd C, and treasurer”) above them, and a chief or governor at the top. Above the chiefs of the sections there are coordinators of larger areas, and above the coordinators there is the prince. Each of the sections have weekly meetings, or “juntas,” at which members pay dues and discuss gang business. Dues are earned through the sale of drugs on street corners. On certain days, called “Nation Days,” all proceeds from drug sales go to the gang. Some of the gang’s money is sent to incarcerated MLDs, and the gang uses the rest to buy weapons with which to protect turf against rival gangs. Gang rules such as when and how drugs are sold and what drugs members can use are enforced through “violations,” which are beatings by three or four gang members for various lengths of time (i.e., “one-minute violation,” “two-minute violation”).

Suspecting that the MLDs were becoming more heavily involved in the drug trade, the FBI began investigating the gang and Ramos in April 1997. Over the course of the investigation, which lasted until June 1999 when the government arrested approximately 30 gang members, the FBI, working with the Chicago Police Department, intercepted over 4,000 phone calls between Ramos and other parties (the FBI tapped five MLD phone lines including Ramos’s). The prosecution presented over 100 of these calls at trial. In many Ramos discusses aspects of drug deals and drug dealing with other members of the MLDs: prices, quantities, loca[332]*332tions for sales, promises of future sales, promises of future payments, and ways to defend their turf from rival gangs. Although Ramos and the other gang members often used code words for drugs (e.g., “onion” for ounce of cocaine), four cooperating witnesses who had been involved in some of the conversations and indicted as part of the conspiracy explained the intercepted conversations to the jury. So, for example, Lynn Johnson, Ramos’s girlfriend during the nine months before the mass arrest, testified that saying she “needed something” during one recorded conversation meant she wanted to buy powder cocaine for resale to one of her customers. She further explained that saying she “needfed] a lot” meant she needed one ounce of powder cocaine. Continuing to translate the cryptic conversation Johnson testified that Ramos had then told her that he had “finished that whole thing already,” which Johnson understood to mean he had already sold all of his drugs. Johnson then informed Ramos that she would call one of Ramos’s friends to see if he had cocaine to sell her. In a series of intercepted calls Ramos, Johnson, and Thomas Ross, a coconspirator and the main MLD drug supplier, discussed Johnson’s purchase of the “onion” from another MLD named Waldy. Tellingly, Ramos referred to Waldy’s cocaine as “the same shit” that either he or Ross would have sold Johnson. The government argued that the “same shit” reference was just one of the many pieces of evidence proving a cocaine-distribution conspiracy among Ramos, Ross, and other MLDs. Only common and accepted channels of distribution would assure Ramos that the cocaine Johnson purchased from one MLD would be the same as that purchased from another.

Over the course of the trial, the government presented the testimony of four cooperating witnesses, many recordings of Ramos’s tapped phone conversations, testimony from FBI agents and Chicago police detectives regarding the investigation, and a drug sale between Ramos and an FBI informant. Also, it introduced physical evidence that included 23 grams of crack seized from Ramos, 8 grams seized from one of Ramos’s codefendants, and 173 grams seized from an alleged MLD coconspirator. The defense presented very little evidence, instead opting to cast doubt on the credibility of the cooperating witnesses by highlighting that they all testified in exchange for government help at their sentencing hearings. The claim was that during the one or two weeks prior to trial they all “miraculously” recalled details of Ramos’s involvement with the conspiracy. The jury, however, apparently believed the witnesses and returned guilty verdicts. In entering the verdicts, the jury specifically found that Ramos had conspired to possess with intent to distribute and to distribute in excess of 50 grams of crack and 5 kilograms of cocaine.

In Ramos’s Presentence Investigation Report (“PSR”) the probation officer recommended holding him accountable for distributing at least 1.5 kilograms of crack, resulting in a base offense level of 38. The PSR further recommended adding two levels under U.S.S.G. § 2D1.1(b)(1) because Ramos possessed a firearm while engaged in the drug conspiracy. It recommended four additional levels under U.S.S.G. § 3Bl.l(a) because Ramos allegedly organized and led the drug conspiracy. Ramos objected to both of these recommended additions, arguing that because the jury did not make findings on either his gun possession or his organizational role in the conspiracy, Apprendi prevented the judge from using those factors to increase his sentence. At the sentencing hearing, however, the judge noted that the jury had found that Ramos distributed at least 50 [333]*333grams of cocaine base, an offense that carries with it a statutory maximum penalty of life imprisonment. Therefore, the court held that Apprendi

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Related

Ramos v. United States
536 U.S. 947 (Supreme Court, 2002)

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Bluebook (online)
39 F. App'x 330, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-ramos-ca7-2002.