United States v. Papadopoulos

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedNovember 25, 2018
DocketCriminal No. 2017-0182
StatusPublished

This text of United States v. Papadopoulos (United States v. Papadopoulos) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Papadopoulos, (D.D.C. 2018).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

v. Criminal Case No. 17-182 (RDM) GEORGE PAPADOPOULOS,

Defendant.

MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER

On September 7, 2018, the Court sentenced Defendant George Papadopoulos to 14 days

of incarceration, one year of supervised release, 200 hours of community service, and a fine of

$9,500 for making false statements to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”) in violation of

18 U.S.C. § 1001. The time to appeal his conviction or sentence expired on September 25, 2018,

and he is scheduled to surrender to the Bureau of Prisons to begin serving his term of

incarceration on Monday, November 26, 2018.

Over the past week, Papadopoulos has filed two motions seeking to delay his surrender

date. First, on November 16, 2018, he filed a motion requesting that the Court “continue [his]

bail pending [the] outcome of In re: Grand Jury Investigation, No. 18-3052 (D.C. Cir. Aug. 14,

2018),” Dkt. 57, an appeal currently before the D.C. Circuit challenging the appointment of

Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III. According to Papadopoulos, that appeal raises “a

substantial question” and, if the D.C. Circuit concludes that the Special Counsel’s appointment

was unlawful, his conviction must be set aside. Id. at 6. Under these circumstances,

Papadopoulos continues, it would be unjust to require that he serve his sentence before the D.C.

Circuit renders its decision. Id. at 14. Second, on November 21, 2018, he filed a motion seeking to stay his surrender date at least until this Court decides whether to grant his motion for bail

pending the outcome of the In re: Grand Jury Investigation appeal and, if this Court denies that

motion, until he has had the opportunity to appeal that decision to the D.C. Circuit. Dkt. 58. The

Special Counsel opposes both motions.

For the reasons explained below, the Court agrees with the Special Counsel that

Papadopoulos has failed to carry his burden of demonstrating that a delay in the execution of his

sentence is warranted and will, accordingly, DENY both motions.

I. BACKGROUND

On October 5, 2017, Papadopoulos pleaded guilty to one count of making false

statements in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001. Dkt. 23. In the course of entering that plea, he

admitted under oath that he made “material false statements and material omissions” during an

interview with the FBI, which took place on January 27, 2017. Dkt. 19 at 1 (Statement of

Offense (“SOF”) ¶ 1). At the time of the interview, the FBI had “an open investigation into the

Russian government’s efforts to interfere in the 2016 presidential election.” Id. Papadopoulos

admitted in the Statement of Offense and at the plea hearing that he made the following material

false statements and omissions:

First, he told the FBI “that his interactions with an overseas professor,

who . . . Papadopoulos understood to have substantial connections to Russian government

officials, occurred before . . . Papadopoulos became a foreign policy advisor to the” Trump

presidential campaign (the “Campaign”). Id. at 2 (SOF ¶ 2a). He stated “multiple times” that the

“information” he learned from the professor—that “the Russians possess[ed] ‘dirt’ on then-

candidate Hillary Clinton in the form ‘thousands of emails’”—was communicated to him “prior

to joining the Campaign.” Id. In truth, however, Papadopoulos “met the [p]rofessor on or about

2 March 14, 2016,” after “he learned he would be an advisor to the Campaign.” Id. Papadopoulos

admitted that the professor “only took an interest in [him] because of his status with the

Campaign,” and he admitted that the professor told him about the “‘thousands of emails’ on

April 26, 2016, when [he] had been a foreign policy advisor to the Campaign for over a month.”

Id.

Second, “Papadopoulos . . . told the investigating agents that the professor was ‘a

nothing’ and ‘just a guy talk[ing] up connections or something.’” Id. at 2 (SOF ¶ 2b). In truth,

however, Papadopoulos “understood that the professor had substantial connections to Russian

government officials (and had met with some of those officials in Moscow immediately prior to

telling . . . Papadopoulos about the ‘thousands of emails’).” Id. Indeed, “over a period of

months,” Papadopoulos “repeatedly sought to use the professor’s Russian connections in an

effort to arrange a meeting between the Campaign and Russian government officials.” Id.

Papadopoulos also “failed to inform investigators that the [p]rofessor introduced him to” an

individual in Moscow, who told Papadopoulos that he had connections to the Russian Ministry

of Foreign Affairs (“MFA”). Id. at 11 (SOF ¶ 29). Although Papadopoulos and “the Russian

MFA connection had multiple conversations over Skype and email about setting ‘the

groundwork’ for a ‘potential’ meeting between the Campaign and Russian government officials,”

id at 6 (SOF ¶ 11), Papadopoulos failed to disclose this connection, “despite being asked if he

had met with Russian nationals or ‘[a]nyone with a Russian accent’ during the Campaign,” id. at

11 (SOF ¶ 29) (alteration in original).

Third, Papadopoulos “claimed he met a certain female Russian national before he joined

the Campaign” and that “their communications consisted of emails such as, ‘Hi, how are you?’”

Id. at 2–3 (SOF ¶ 2c). In truth, however, he had met her “on or about March 24, 2016, after he

3 had become an adviser to the Campaign; he believed that she had connections to Russian

government officials; and he sought to use her Russian connections over a period of months in an

effort to arrange a meeting between the Campaign and Russian government officials.” Id. In an

email to “the Campaign Supervisor,” Papadopoulos described her as “Putin’s niece” and “stated

that the topic of their discussion was ‘to arrange a meeting between us and the Russian

leadership to discuss U.S.-Russia ties under President Trump.’” Id. at 4 (SOF ¶ 8).

On February 16, 2017, the FBI interviewed Papadopoulos for a second time with his

counsel present. Id. at 12 (SOF ¶ 32). During that interview, “Papadopoulos reiterated his

purported willingness to cooperate with the FBI’s investigation,” id., but he failed to correct his

prior false statements. The next day, moreover, he “deactivated his Facebook account,

which . . . contained information about communications he had with the [p]rofessor and the

Russian MFA Connection,” and “created a new Facebook account.” Id. (SOF ¶ 33). “On or

about February 23, 2017, [he] ceased using his cell phone number and began using a new

number.” Id. (SOF ¶ 34). Papadopoulos was arrested on July 27, 2017. Id.

Pursuant to the plea agreement, the Special Counsel agreed not to further prosecute

Papadopoulos for “conduct set forth in the . . . Statement of the Offense” and agreed “that a 2-

level reduction” in the Sentencing Guidelines’ base offense level would “be appropriate . . . ,

provided that [Papadopoulos] clearly demonstrate[d] acceptance of responsibility . . . [and]

adhere[d] to every provision of th[e] Agreement.” Dkt. 18 at 2. Papadopoulos, in turn, agreed to

“waive the right to appeal [his] sentence . . . , except to the extent the Court sentence[d] [him]

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