United States v. Johnson

25 F. Cas. 1232, 18 Leg. Int. 334
CourtDistrict Court, D. Maryland
DecidedSeptember 15, 1861
StatusPublished

This text of 25 F. Cas. 1232 (United States v. Johnson) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. Maryland primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Johnson, 25 F. Cas. 1232, 18 Leg. Int. 334 (D. Md. 1861).

Opinion

GILES, District Judge.

This is a libel filed on behalf of the United States to forfeit the schooner F. W. Johnson as a prize of war. The bill alleges that the said schooner was captured by a vessel of war of the United States, about twenty-five miles to the southward of Cape Henry, in the Atlantic Ocean, having on board at the time about twenty-eight tons of railroad iron;' that the said cargo of railroad iron was saved by the said schooner for the use of the Norwegian bark Albion, which had been cast away about the 1st of May last, at the spot where the capture was made; that the said schooner belonged to the port of Norfolk, in Virginia, and was owned by citizens of said state, a state at that time claiming to have separated from the United States, and, with other Southern states, then waging open war against the United States by the various modes of warfare usual among hostile nations; and that the said schooner left her port in Virginia bound to some port south of Maryland, with intention to discharge her cargo in such Southern port.

Before I discuss the facts of this ease, as presented to the court in the pleadings, answers to the interrogatories in preparatorio, and other evidence in the case, 1 will state what I believe to be the law of nations in reference to the first question which has been so ably argued by the learned counsel. It has been contended by the counsel for the claimants that in the present unhappy division in our country the government at Washington has no power, either under the constitution of the United States or by the recognized principles of the law of nations, to treat the inhabitants of the states which claim to have seceded, as enemies, and to exercise in reference to them those belligerent rights which all concede belong to parties engaged in a public war. And by a public war is here meant a war between independent sovereign states. Now, I am sitting in this case, in a prize court, and the supreme court said, in the case of The Rapid, 8 Cranch [12 U. S.] 155, and The Adeline, 9 Cranch [13 U. S.] 264, “that the law of prize is a part of the law of nations.” And I am, therefore, to decide this question by the principles of that universal law to which all civilized princes and states acknowledge themselves to be subject.

In the first place let us see what is the character of the present contest in this country, and in what light it has been regarded by the executive and legislative departments of the government. In the face of all that is passing around us, it needs no argument to show that a civil war of gigantic dimensions is sweeping over the land. We are almost within sound of the cannon of two of the largest armies that have ever been marshalled in hostile array against each other on this continent. More than one-third of the confederacy has claimed to separate from the rest, and they are now fighting about the construction of the organic instrument of the government,—one side alleging that under a true construction of the constitution each state has a right to withdraw from the Union whenever its people so determine; the other, that no such right exists, and that to attempt to secede is rebellion, and not the exercise of any constitutional right. And in the states which have claimed the right to withdraw, there are now open no courts of the United States, and the laws of the United States cannot now be executed in those states by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings.

Is this not civil war? And has it not been so regarded by the executive department of the government? This is clear from the proclamations of the president of the 15th of April, of the 19th of April, of the 27th of April, and of the 3d of May and of the 10th of May,—all recognizing the fact that the civil power of the government is no longer capable of enforcing the laws, and calling to its aid the power intended to be provided by the acts of 1795 [1 Stat. 424] and 1807 [2 Stat. 443], and also, using the power of blockade, a war power belonging only to belligerents either in a civil or foreign war. And the legislative department has also recognized this [1233]*1233contest as a war. For, during the last session of congress, it not only did so by the laws which it passed for the raising of armies and providing means for their support, but in express language, on- fotir different occasions, as will be seen in reference to the laws of the extra session of July last. [12 Stat.] pp. 268, 274, 315. 326. And the last law (page 326) to which I refer, not only recognized a war as existing, but it approved and sanctioned all the proclamations of the president, thereby making valid the blockade declared by the president in his proclamations of the 19th and 27th of April, if the president alone, “as commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States,” did not possess this power under the existing circumstances of the country.

The supreme court (Chief Justice Taney delivering the opinion), in the ease of Luther v. Borden, 7 How. [48 U. S.] 45, say: “Un- • questionably a state may use its military power to put down an armed insurrection, too strong to be controlled by the civil authority. The power is essential to the existence of every government, essential to the preservation of order and free institutions, and is as necessary to the states of the Union as to any other government. The state itself must determine what degree of force the crisis demands, and if the government of Rhode Island deemed the armed opposition so formidable and so ramified throughout the state as to require the use of its military force, and the declaration of martial law, we see no ground upon which the court can question its authority. It was a state of war, and the established government resorted to the rights and usages of war to maintain itself and overcome the unlawful opposition.”

Now, what say the writers on the law of nations? Vattel says, in book 3, c. 18. p. 425: "When a party is formed in a state who no longer obey the sovereign, and are possessed of sufficient strength to oppose him, or where, in a republic, the nation is divided into two opposite factions, and both sides take up arms, this is called a civil war. Som(| writers confine this term to a just insurrection against their sovereign, to distinguish that lawful resistance from rebellion which is open and unjust resistance. But what appellation will they give to a war which arises in a- republic torn by two factions, or in a monarchy between two competitors for the crown? Custom appropriates the term of civil war to every war between the members of one and the same political society.”

And Wheaton, in his great work on International Law, says, on page 365: “A civil war between the different members of the same society is what Grotius calls a mixed war. It is, according to him, public on the side of the established government, and private on the part of the people resisting its authórity. But the general usage of nations regards such a war as entitling the eontend-mg parties to all the rights of war as against each other, and even as respects neutral nations.”

Judge Chase, of the supreme court, in the case of Ware v. Hilton. 3 Dall. [3 U. S.] 199.

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Bluebook (online)
25 F. Cas. 1232, 18 Leg. Int. 334, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-johnson-mdd-1861.