United States v. Diaz-Colon

Court of Appeals for the First Circuit·Decided December 22, 2025·No. 23-1692·Published

Opinion

United States Court of Appeals For the First Circuit

No. 23-1692 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee,

v.

SIXTO JORGE DÍAZ-COLÓN,

Defendant, Appellant.

APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF PUERTO RICO

[Hon. Francisco A. Besosa, U.S. District Judge]

Before

Barron, Chief Judge,

Lipez and Thompson, Circuit Judges.

Rafael F. Castro Lang for appellant.

John-Alex Romano, with whom Nicole M. Argentieri, Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General; Lisa H. Miller, Deputy Assistant Attorney General; Michael N. Lang, Trial Attorney, Public Integrity Section; W. Stephen Muldrow, United States Attorney; and Myriam Y. Fernández-González, Assistant U.S. Attorney, were on brief, for appellee.

December 2, 2025

LIPEZ, Circuit Judge. A federal jury found that appellant Sixto Jorge Diaz-Colon attempted to extort a Puerto Rico government official by threatening the release of communications politically damaging to the then-governor and his administration unless the official arranged a $300,000 payment and met other demands. See 18 U.S.C. § 1951. He also was found guilty of transmitting a threatening communication and destroying records pertaining to a federal investigation. See id. §§ 875, 1519.

In this appeal, Diaz-Colon asserts multiple errors in his prosecution and trial. He claims that the evidence was insufficient to support any of the three counts on which he was convicted, the government violated his due process rights by suborning perjury from witnesses, the trial evidence materially varied from the allegations in the indictment, the district court violated his Sixth Amendment rights in managing the admission of evidence, and the court improperly instructed the jury. After carefully reviewing the record, we find no merit in any of these contentions and therefore affirm the convictions.

I. Background

Diaz-Colon's varied challenges "require us to present the facts from two different perspectives." United States v. Facteau, 89 F.4th 1, 15-16 (1st Cir. 2023). To evaluate his sufficiency-of-the-evidence claims, "we take the facts in the light most favorable to the verdict[s]." Id. at 16. "For the

other issues on appeal, we present the facts in a 'balanced' way, taking an 'objective[] view' of the evidence in the record." Id. (alteration in original) (quoting United States v. Burgos-Montes, 786 F.3d 92, 99 (1st Cir. 2015)). We first address the sufficiency claims and therefore set forth the facts in this section as the jury could have found them. To the extent that factual development is needed to assess Diaz-Colon's remaining challenges, we will adopt the more balanced approach. A. The Opening Salvo Appellant Diaz-Colon produced a political news program, Nación Z, that regularly brought him into contact with Anthony Maceira, an attorney who served in the administration of former Puerto Rico Governor Ricardo Rosselló as the executive director of the Puerto Rico Ports Authority and Secretary of Public Affairs.1 In addition to Maceira's appearances on Diaz-Colon's program, which aired on radio and television, the two men communicated weekly, including through Telegram, a cloud-based messaging system used by officials in the Rosselló administration. Telegram users have the option to send "secret" messages,2 and the system also

1 Much of the evidence recounted in this section comes from Maceira's testimony and associated documents that were admitted as exhibits at trial. Other key testimony was provided by FBI Special Agent Juan Carlos López-Velázquez ("López"). See infra.

2 Maceira testified that, when a user sends a "secret"

message, the sender is notified if the recipient "takes a screen

allows senders to delete messages from both their own devices and recipients' devices.

On June 20, 2019, Diaz-Colon sent Maceira a secret Telegram message intimating that Raul Maldonado-Nieves, the son of then-Treasury Secretary Raul Maldonado,3 would release damaging information about the Rosselló administration if the administration did not stop political attacks against Maldonado. At that time, Maldonado was being publicly criticized for allegedly improper interference in contract and personnel matters, and a newspaper had reported "alleged investigations because of possible misconduct" by Maldonado. According to Maceira, the administration "had been dealing with a lot of reports about allegations of corruption in public agencies."

As translated, Diaz-Colon's message stated:

Man, if Fortaleza [i.e., the administration]

doesn't stop fucking with Raul Maldonado, RAUL MALDONADO'S SON HAS STRONG EVIDENCE TO FUCK THIS ADMINISTRATION STARTING WITH RICARDO ROSSELLO.

According to Raulie [Maldonado-Nieves's nickname] "son of RM", you and Fortaleza are the ones who are behind this firepower against Raul Maldonado.

shot or a picture of the screen" and if the recipient "forward[s] the message."

3 We refer throughout this opinion to the father as "Maldonado" and the son as "Maldonado-Nieves," but at times use the latter's nickname, "Raulie," to accurately reflect quoted material.

I tell you brother, RAUL'S SON IS GOING TO DESTROY YOU ALL AT OTHER LEVELS.

I don't know what you are going to do. But if they don't stop THE POPULARS ARE GOING TO BE IN POWER FOR 30 YEARS.

STOP THIS.

This is crazy.

I have a friend who is a close friend of RM's son, and they want to see me to deliver hard evidence to me and other media. This administration is fucked. I need to stop this.

Maceira did not know what Diaz-Colon meant by "hard evidence," but he was "scared" and "concerned."4 He explained at trial that Maldonado had that same morning accused "Fortaleza" -- meaning the Rosselló administration, for which Maceira was the spokesperson -- of being "behind the[] public reports" critical of Maldonado, and Maceira "understood [the Telegram message] to be a reference to that." He viewed the Telegram message as a threat and reported it to the governor and the governor's chief of staff.

4 Maceira elaborated on his concern at trial as follows:

As secretary for Public Affairs, . . . my job was being the face of the Government, the voice of the Government, and that meant with the good and the bad. In the just six months I had been there, I had had to face multiple public crises, and this was a threat from a radio producer, TV producer, which I had to take seriously. I was scared. I was concerned about what we would be dealing with.

After speaking with the governor, Maceira arranged to meet Diaz-Colon the next day, June 21, at a San Juan restaurant, Musa. At trial, Maceira described his motivation for the meeting as follows: "I had received a threatening message . . . saying that I was going to be destroyed, the administration was going to be destroyed, but I didn't have any further context to that. I needed specifics about what the threat meant." B. The Meeting at Musa When the two men met at Musa, Maceira surreptitiously attempted to record their conversation on his phone.5 Early in the meeting and multiple times throughout, Maceira told Diaz-Colon he viewed the Telegram message as a threat. Diaz-Colon apologized, explaining that Maldonado-Nieves, who was sitting beside him when he messaged Maceira, possessed a binder of printed-out chat messages sent by administration officials, including the governor, that reflected poorly on those officials. Diaz-Colon said he alerted Maceira because what he had seen was "going to destroy" Maceira and others in the administration.

5Maceira later provided the recording to the FBI, but as discussed further below, not all of it was audible.

We note that the trial transcript indicates that Maceira initially stated in response to questioning that he told Diaz-Colon of his intent to record the meeting. However, the subsequent questioning by defense counsel makes clear that, in fact, Maceira did not inform Diaz-Colon that he would be recording their conversation.

Maceira testified that he did not believe Diaz-Colon's apology was genuine:

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