United States v. Chaka Fattah, Sr.

Procedural entryThis page is a short order in United States v. Chaka Fattah, Sr.. Read the opinion of the Court — 902 F.3d 197
Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit·Decided May 14, 2020·No. 19-2739·Unpublished

Opinion

NOT PRECEDENTIAL

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT ________________

No. 19-2739 ________________

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

v.

CHAKA FATTAH, SR.,

Appellant ________________ Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania (D.C. Criminal Action No. 2-15-cr-00346-001) District Judge: Honorable Harvey Bartle, III ________________

Submitted Under Third Circuit L.A.R. 34.1(a) April 23, 2020

Before: AMBRO, SHWARTZ, and BIBAS, Circuit Judges

(Opinion filed May 14, 2020)

________________

OPINION* ________________

AMBRO, Circuit Judge

* This disposition is not an opinion of the full Court and pursuant to I.O.P. 5.7 does not constitute binding precedent. Chaka Fattah served as a member of the United States House of Representatives

for Pennsylvania’s Second Congressional District for over two decades. Suspicion of

corruption led to an investigation and, ultimately, a 22-count indictment based on

criminal conduct for his political and financial benefit. After a five-week trial, the jury

found him guilty on all counts. United States v. Fattah (Fattah I), 914 F.3d 112, 145 (3d

Cir. 2019). The District Court granted Fattah’s motion of acquittal on three of those

counts and sentenced him to 120 months’ imprisonment on the remaining counts. On

appeal, we held that the Supreme Court’s intervening decision in McDonnell v. United

States, 136 S. Ct. 2355 (2016), required us to vacate for retrial Fattah’s conviction on five

counts relating to bribery and money-laundering. Fattah I, 914 F.3d. at 189. We also

reinstated two of the acquitted counts. Id.

On remand, the Government elected not to retry Fattah on the remanded counts,

and the Court resentenced him to the same 120 months on the remaining counts of

conviction. Fattah appeals, arguing that his sentence on remand is procedurally

unreasonable. We disagree and thus affirm.

I. Background

Fattah was a prominent fixture in Philadelphia politics for more than thirty years.

He began his career in the Pennsylvania General Assembly before being elected to

Congress in 1994, where he served from 1995 until 2016. In 2006 he ran unsuccessfully

for Mayor of Philadelphia, amassing large campaign debts. In 2015 a grand jury indicted

Fattah and four associates for engaging in criminal activity for their political and

financial benefit. The counts were for RICO conspiracy, conspiring to commit mail,

2 wire, bank, and honest services fraud, defrauding the United States, falsification of

records, bribery, money-laundering, and making false statements to a financial institution.

The jury heard evidence about Fattah’s leadership and participation in five distinct

schemes undertaken over the course of a decade. The facts of each scheme are detailed

in Fattah I, 914 F.3d at 127–39. In brief, Fattah’s conduct included the following.

1. The Loan Repayment Scheme. Just before the 2007 Philadelphia Mayoral

Primary, Fattah’s campaign approached Albert Lord, II, then-CEO of Sallie Mae, about

supporting a major media buy. Lord offered to contribute $1 million and proposed

structuring the transaction as a loan to the campaign’s media consultant LSG Strategies,

Inc. to avoid contribution limits. After Fattah lost the primary, the campaign returned

$400,000 of the unused funds. Later that year, Lord sought to collect the remaining

$600,000. Fattah along with two associates conspired with Thomas Lindenfeld, owner of

LSG Strategies, to repay the loan with misappropriated charitable and federal grant

money from Fattah’s nonprofit entity, Educational Advancement Alliance (“EAA”).

EAA and the campaign undertook substantial efforts to cover up this loan repayment

scheme, and ultimately the nonprofit ceased operations.

2. The College Tuition Scheme. Fattah defrauded his campaign and its lenders

by using campaign funds to pay his son’s college tuition and student loan debt. As part

of the scheme, between 2007 and 2011 Gregory Naylor’s firm, Sydney Lei and

Associates (SLA), made over $23,000 of payments to, among others, Drexel University.

Fattah’s campaign reimbursed SLA through payments disguised as “election day

operation expenses.” Id. at 134–35.

3 3. The Fake Conference Scheme. In late 2011, EAA applied for a grant from the

National Oceanic & Atmospheric Administration (“NOAA”) to support a conference for

students interested in science, technology, engineering, and math at minority-serving

institutions. NOAA approved a $50,000 grant and transferred the money to EAA’s bank

account. Although the conference never occurred, Karen Nicholas, the executive director

of EAA, submitted a vague report to NOAA describing the event and never responded to

its follow-up requests for more information given the inconsistencies in the report. At

least some funds were used to pay for services performed by Naylor for EAA.

4. The Blue Guardians Scheme. The Fattah campaign also owed money to LSG

Strategies. After making a series of small payments, Fattah suggested that the firm create

an entity to address environmental issues and ocean pollution so that he could repay his

debt through a federal appropriation to the phantom entity. Although Lindenfeld, owner

of LSG Strategies, incorporated an entity, Blue Guardians, to receive this appropriation

and applied for federal funding, he became uncomfortable with the scheme after he was

contacted by a news reporter and eventually rescinded his application. Having obtained

Lindenfeld’s agreement to write off the campaign debt, Fattah falsified campaign reports

to show that the debt was paid in full.

5. The Fattah-Vederman Bribery Scheme. Herbert Vederman, a successful

businessperson who served in Edward Rendell’s mayoral and gubernatorial

administrations, assisted on Fattah’s campaign for mayor. After the campaign, Vederman

negotiated the forgiveness of $70,000 of campaign debt. He also provided a series of

payments to Fattah and his family members in exchange for favors. For example, in

4 2011 Fattah and his wife, Renee Chenault-Fattah, applied for a mortgage loan to purchase

a second home in the Poconos from the Credit Union Mortgage Association (“CUMA”).

It required the Fattahs to show they had sufficient liquid reserves for mortgage payments

on the second home. The next day, Chenault-Fattah emailed Vederman about purchasing

her Porsche for $18,000. Vederman promptly wired the money to Fattah’s bank account.

When CUMA asked about the source of the $18,000 payment, Vederman and Fattah

forged documents to show that Vederman had purchased a Porsche from the Fattahs even

though the car remained in Chenault-Fattah’s possession. Just days later, Fattah hired

Vederman’s girlfriend, Alexandra Zionts, to ensure that a gap in her federal employment

did not jeopardize her eligibility for federal retirement benefits.1

The jury heard evidence pertaining to these schemes during Fattah’s trial. After 15

hours of deliberation, it, as already noted, convicted Fattah on all counts. He moved for

acquittal on several of these counts, and the District Court granted his motion on the

convictions for bank fraud and making false statements to a financial institution after

determining that CUMA was not a financial institution. (Counts 19 and 20).

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