Trafigura Trading v. United States

29 F.4th 286
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
DecidedMarch 24, 2022
Docket21-20127
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 29 F.4th 286 (Trafigura Trading v. United States) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Trafigura Trading v. United States, 29 F.4th 286 (5th Cir. 2022).

Opinion

Case: 21-20127 Document: 00516253178 Page: 1 Date Filed: 03/24/2022

United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit United States Court of Appeals Fifth Circuit

FILED No. 21-20127 March 24, 2022 Lyle W. Cayce Clerk Trafigura Trading LLC,

Plaintiff—Appellee,

versus

United States of America,

Defendant—Appellant.

Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas USDC No. 4:19-CV-170

Before Wiener, Graves, and Ho, Circuit Judges. James C. Ho, Circuit Judge:* Alexander Hamilton was non-stop. There were a million things he wanted done. So when he was chosen for the Constitutional Convention, he spoke like he was running out of time. He talked for six hours. The Convention was listless. And among his ideas was the power to tax exports. But the Southern states feared export taxes would disproportionately harm their economies. They worried Congress would tax them relentlessly,

* Judge Wiener concurs in the judgment. Case: 21-20127 Document: 00516253178 Page: 2 Date Filed: 03/24/2022

No. 21-20127

and then turn around and run a spending spree. They knew that, if Congress could tax exports, it would not be a question of if, but of which one. So they demanded a categorical ban on export taxes. They knew they would have to holler just to be heard. But they would rather be divisive than indecisive. So they didn’t throw away their shot. They made an all-out stand: No ban on export taxes, no Constitution. Northern delegates expressed their disgust—but the South’s agenda was there discussed. The North wanted to tax exports and regulate commerce. But the South wanted neither. The delegates were diametrically opposed—foes. But they took a break. And they eventually emerged with a compromise, having open doors that were previously closed: The federal government could regulate commerce, but not tax exports. The compromise no doubt frustrated many citizens. But they had no say in what their leaders traded away—they weren’t in the room where it happened. A group of delegates suggested another approach—export taxes only if approved on a super-majority vote—hoping that would be enough. But the South was not satisfied. It worried that, if it stood for nothing, what would it fall for? So rather than wait for it, they let the proposal burn. Ultimately, though, Hamilton got more than he gave. And he wanted what he got. But as for the power to tax exports, he was helpless. As a result, the Constitution forbids Congress from taxing exports. And that resolves this case. The federal government insists that Trafigura Trading must pay a tax on domestic crude oil that it exports from the United States. But the district court said no to this. We affirm.1

Cf. Lisa A. Tucker, ed., Hamilton and the Law: Reading Today’s 1

Most Contentious Legal Issues through the Hit Musical (2020).

2 Case: 21-20127 Document: 00516253178 Page: 3 Date Filed: 03/24/2022

I. The Constitutional Convention began in Philadelphia on May 25, 1787. 1 Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 1 (1966). Hamilton did not speak during the first few weeks of the Convention. But “[i]t was predictable that when the wordy Hamilton broke silence, he would do so at epic length.” Ron Chernow, Alexander Hamilton 231 (2004). “On Monday morning, June 18, the thirty-two-year-old prodigy rose first on the convention floor and in the stifling, poorly ventilated room he spoke and spoke and spoke. Before the day was through, he had given a six-hour speech (no break for lunch) that was brilliant, courageous, and, in retrospect, completely daft.” Id. In that speech, Hamilton set forth his vision for a strong central government, armed with a number of powers that had been omitted in the Articles of Confederation. In particular, he was the first delegate to suggest that the new federal government should have a broad power to tax that would specifically include exports: “Whence then is the national revenue to be drawn? from Commerce, even {from} exports which notwithstanding the common opinion are fit objects of moderate taxation.” 1 Farrand, supra, at 286. The power to tax exports was endorsed by a number of fellow delegates. James Madison agreed that “the power of taxing exports is proper in itself, and as the States cannot with propriety exercise it separately, it ought to be vested in them collectively.” 2 Farrand, supra, at 306. Gouverneur Morris likewise affirmed that “[t]axes on exports are a necessary source of revenue.” Id. at 307. James Wilson was also “decidedly agst prohibiting general taxes on exports,” id., for “[t]o deny this power is to take from the Common Govt. half the regulation of trade,” id. at 362.

3 Case: 21-20127 Document: 00516253178 Page: 4 Date Filed: 03/24/2022

But Southern delegates were firmly opposed to export taxes. The South was the nation’s primary exporter, so any federal export tax would disproportionately burden Southern states. See, e.g., Erik M. Jensen, The Export Clause, 6 Fla. Tax Rev. 1, 8 (2003). Southerners feared that the North would control the majority of seats in both Houses of Congress, and would use that power to aggrandize itself at the South’s expense by taxing exports. As George Mason put it, “a majority when interested will oppress the minority. . . . If we compare the States in this point of view the 8 Northern States have an interest different from the five Southn. States, — and have in one branch of the legislature 36 votes agst 29. and in the other, in the proportion of 8 agst 5.” 2 Farrand, supra, at 362. So a number of Southern delegates voiced firm opposition to the Constitution unless it explicitly prohibited taxes on exports. Charles Pinckney warned that, “if the Committee [of Detail] should fail to insert some security to the Southern States agst. . . . taxes on exports, he shd. be bound by duty to his State to vote agst. their Report.” Id. at 95. His fellow South Carolina delegate Pierce Butler likewise made clear that “he never would agree to the power of taxing exports.” Id. at 374. Northern delegates soon appreciated that, as Roger Sherman of Connecticut put it, “[a] power to tax exports would shipwreck the whole.” Id. at 308. There would be no Constitution, then, unless the delegates reached a compromise on the question of export taxes. They did so by trading the power to tax exports for the power to regulate commerce. Specifically, the South wanted to prohibit export taxes and impose a super-majority voting rule for commercial regulations, while the North wanted to permit export taxes and require only a simple majority to regulate commerce. See Ben Baack et al., Constitutional Agreement During the Drafting of the Constitution:

4 Case: 21-20127 Document: 00516253178 Page: 5 Date Filed: 03/24/2022

A New Interpretation, 38 J. Legal Stud. 533, 546–47 (2009). So a deal was struck: A group of Northern delegates agreed that they would vote to prohibit export taxes, and in return, a group of Southern delegates agreed that they would vote for the simple majority rule for regulations of commerce. Id. at 541 (citing sources). When the Convention returned to these topics for a final vote, a group of delegates tried to revive the power to tax exports. They proposed a super- majority voting rule for export taxes, “requiring the concurrence of 2/3 or 3/4 of the legislature in such cases.” 2 Farrand, supra, at 359. Madison formally moved “to require 2/3 of each House to tax exports — as a lesser evil than a total prohibition.” Id. at 363. But the proposal failed, with every Southern delegation voting in the negative. Id. Another proposal would have allowed export taxes for the purpose of regulating trade, while prohibiting such taxes “for the purpose of revenue.” Id. But that too failed. Id.

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Bluebook (online)
29 F.4th 286, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/trafigura-trading-v-united-states-ca5-2022.