Stewart v. O'CALLAGHAN

343 F. Supp. 1080, 1972 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 13690
CourtDistrict Court, D. Nevada
DecidedMay 18, 1972
DocketCiv. A. R-2549, LV-1716
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 343 F. Supp. 1080 (Stewart v. O'CALLAGHAN) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. Nevada primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Stewart v. O'CALLAGHAN, 343 F. Supp. 1080, 1972 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 13690 (D. Nev. 1972).

Opinion

PER CURIAM:

Plaintiffs, citizens, taxpayers and qualified electors of the State of Nevada, commenced this action to contest the constitutionality of an Act of the State of Nevada Legislature providing for the apportionment of the state legislature. The challenged legislation, Assembly Bill No. 825, Chapter 647 of the 1971 Statutes of the State of Nevada (herein Assembly Bill 825) was duly enacted by the 1971 Legislature of Nevada to reapportion the membership of the Nevada Legislature in accordance with the changes militated by population shifts evidenced in the 1970 United States Census, as reported by the Bureau of the Census. The plan for reapportionment so enacted provides for forty (40) single member assembly districts and twenty (20) single and multimember senate districts; that is to say that the assembly is to be composed of forty members and the senate of twenty members.

Two suits were filed, which have been joined for trial and consideration as the issues and the relief sought are essentially identical. Defendants are the state and local elected officials charged with executing the election laws of the State of Nevada. Plaintiffs contend that Assembly Bill 825 violates the Constitutional guarantee of equal protection of the laws in that: (1) population disparities exist between the established legislative districts to a degree which offends the “one man — one vote” principle guaranteed by the Constitution, and, (2) that the multiseat senate districts established in the two populous counties are invidiously discriminatory and unconstitutionally deprive Nevada voters of equal representation. Other issues were raised in the respective complaints, but not pressed at trial. We therefore limit our consideration of the case to the two issues above delineated.

The 1970 United States Census of Nevada reports a total population of 488,-738 persons. Utilizing this Census figure, the parties stipulate to the following mathematically determinable facts which we accept as established.

Ideally each of the forty members representing the assembly districts would represent 12,218 persons and each senatorial district would be made up of 24,436 persons. In actual practice, under the legislative district plan established by Assembly Bill 825, the assembly districts vary from a population of 13,958 in the most populous to 10,086 in the least populous and the senate districts vary from a high of 26,617 people to a low of 20,802. Converting these figures into percentages of variation, one finds that the most populous assembly district exceeds the mean approximately 14% (1740 people) while the least populous assembly district falls be *1082 low the mean approximately 17% (2,132 people). A one percentage point of variation representing approximately 125 persons. Among the senatorial districts the largest in people is approximately 9% above the mean (2,181 people) and that with the fewest people falls nearly 15% below (3,634 people); a one percentage point variation equalling about 240 persons.

These high and low peaks, conceded to exist, appear, in the abstract, to far exceed the constitutionally permissible variances previously countenanced in court tests under the so-called “one man — one vote” doctrine espoused by the United States Supreme Court under the teaching of Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663 (1962) and the plethora of well known subsequent cases. However, a pragmatic overlook of the effect of the entire apportionment scheme adopted by the Nevada Legislature reveals that the statewide average disparity between assembly districts approximates 4% and, between senatorial districts, approximately 5%. Further, as we discuss more fully hereafter, a careful consideration of the entire representation picture discloses that the extremes of variation affect, at most, about 13% of the state population as a whole. If registered voter or eligible voter figures were used, this percentage of affected persons would shrink substantially.

We are therefore not disposed to condemn Assembly Bill 825 out of hand as being constitutionally infirm merely because of the rather considerable variance demonstrated affecting a relatively minor proportion of the population. We are affirmatively persuaded that an analysis of the entire structure of the plan and the underlying problems is required before the issues of this litigation can be meaningfully resolved. Other remedies, less radical than outright rejection of the challenged legislation, are available to us and should be explored.

The State of Nevada poses acutely unique and difficult problems, demographically and geographically, to a legislature faced with the task of formulating a plan of legislative apportionment providing for population equality. In the excess of eighty percent (80%) of the people live in two counties, Clark (Las Vegas) and Washoe (Reno). The remainder of the population, something like ninety-five thousand people, are scattered throughout the balance of ninety-five thousand square miles of state area. The state has sixteen counties plus the state capital at Carson City which lies wholly outside of any county boundary. Ten of the counties have no incorporated community within the county lines. There are only seventeen incorporated communities in the entire vast state and seven of these are located in the two populous counties. Only the incorporated communities have local community governments. In the other rural counties, where no incorporated community exists, the Board of County Commissioners comprises the only form of local government.

Faced with the obvious difficulties inherent in a state politically and geographically structured as is Nevada, the legislature in its wisdom appears to have treated the reapportionment problem as a bifurcated one. An assembly of forty members and a senate of twenty members was agreed upon and thereafter separate consideration was given to the urban area vis á vis the rural portion of the state. Funds were appropriated and the use of a computer with computer-trained personnel was contracted for. It was necessary, in using the computer, to establish some basic unit of population measurement. The Census enumeration districts, established for the 1970 United States Census, were selected and became the so-called building blocks of the Nevada legislative plan. No one has suggested a better basic- unit for this purpose. Indeed the plaintiffs, in attempting to suggest a better reapportionment scheme, utilized the census enumeration districts as the basis of calculations. The census enumeration districts as conceived for census purposes were prem *1083 ised on the establishment of districts each having approximately six hundred residents. In practice, in Nevada at least, it develops that these districts varied from nearly zero population to districts having upward of six thousand inhabitants. The staff expert for the Nevada Legislature testified that this variance created a built-in state-wide population disparity or divergence in the ultimately created legislative districts of as much as eight percent (8%). The percentage of built-in disparity is in dispute, but such a disparity in the order of five per cent (5%) is pretty well established and we accept this figure as proved.

Reapportionment of the urban areas in and adjacent to the cities of Las Vegas and Reno did not present insurmountable problems.

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Bluebook (online)
343 F. Supp. 1080, 1972 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 13690, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/stewart-v-ocallaghan-nvd-1972.