State v. Houser

26 Mo. 431
CourtSupreme Court of Missouri
DecidedMarch 15, 1858
StatusPublished
Cited by35 cases

This text of 26 Mo. 431 (State v. Houser) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of Missouri primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
State v. Houser, 26 Mo. 431 (Mo. 1858).

Opinion

Napton, Judge,

delivered the opinion of the court.

The principal question in this case is, whether the deposition of a witness taken before the examining court can be used against the prisoner on his trial, it appearing that the witness is beyond the jurisdiction of the court.

In the case of the State v. McO’Blenis, 24 Mo. 402, it was held, that where the witness was dead his deposition was admissible. The propriety of this decision has been questioned, and the subject has again been elaborately discussed with a view to its examination by this court as it is now constituted. This investigation by this court has been made, and it will be perhaps sufficient to say it has resulted in a conclusion to adhere to the former opinion. Without undertaking to add any thing to the reasoning upon which the decision of the court was placed in the former opinion, I will merely advert to one or two historical facts which seem to confirm the view then taken of the subject.

Upon the passage of the stamp act by the British parliament, one of the first of the colonial assemblies that passed resolutions in regard to it was the general assembly of Virginia. In these resolutions the general assembly assert that they were entitled to enjoy all the rights and privileges which were secured to British subjects. They declared “ That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty’s colony and dominion of Virginia brought with and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his majesty’s subjects since inhabiting in this his majesty’s colony, all the privileges and immunities that have been at any time held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britain.” They further resolved, “ That by the two royal charters granted by King James I., the colonies aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges of faithful liege and natural born subjects to all intents and purposes as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England.” In 1774 the delegates from the colonies assembled in Congress, and one of their first acts was a declaration of rights of the colonies. Among other [434]*434resolutions, they declared That our ancestors who first settled these colonies were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England.” “ That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.” “ That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by the peers of the vicinage according to the cowse of that law.” “ That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization and which they have by experience, respectively, found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances.” “ That these his majesty’s colonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws.”

These declarations, and others not deemed necessary to be copied here, will be found to have been subsequently transfused into the bills of rights and constitutions of nearly all the original thirteen states and from these into the constitutions of those states which have since been formed. One of the first, perhaps the first, was the bill of rights adopted by Virginia in June, 1776, in which is to be found the clause almost literally copied in our constitution. That clause is: “ That in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand the nature and cause of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he can not be found guilty,” &a. It is thus seen that these declarations were first made at a time when loyalty to Great Britain was professed and honestly entertained; that, so far from being supposed to introduce new principles, they were expressly [435]*435and carefully pronounced to be the ancient rights and immunities which they brought with them from Great Britain, and which they considered themselves entitled to in common with all the subjects of Great Britain born within the realm of England. The common law and acts of parliament down to the fourth year of the reign of James I., adapted to their circumstances and the local laws of each colony, were the charters by which their right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness was to be secured and tested.

When the bill of rights, drawn up, I believe, by George Mason, and the constitution of Yirginia were adopted, Congress had not yet passed the declaration of independence. Although, so far as political principles and forms of government are concerned, we would of course look for material innovations upon such as had been previously established and which a separation from Great Britain necessarily produced, yet it would hardly be expected that in the midst of a revolution, when the minds of all men would be chiefly drawn to these contemplated or effected,political changes, attempts would be made in a constitution or bill of rights to introduce new codes of procedure or new principles of evidence to govern the progress of ordinary trials in civil or criminal cases. Our forefathers were satisfied with the common law, s'o far as its great leading features were concerned ; and they considered themselves as securing every thing that was important and valuable in relation to mere municipal rights of persons and property when they solemnly and repeatedly adopted it and declared it to be their birth-right. This common law they did not understand as the common law under the Plan-tagenets or Tudors or Stuarts, but as it was understood at that day, both in England and this country, when the revolution of 1688 and the subsequent parliamentary and judicial constructions had restored it to its primitive purity, and abolished its occasional abuses in bad times and under corrupt administrations.

Now it is admitted that no case is to be found in England in which the deposition of a witness, taken in the presence of [436]*436the accused, has been excluded where the witness has died since the examination. Numerous cases have been cited where such depositions have been admitted. It is true that there may be a few cases in which depositions, taken before coroners in England without any opportunity of cross-examination, have been used against the accused, where the witness subsequently died; but the authority of such cases is questioned, even in that country, by their ablest writers on common law — Starkie, Roscoe, Russell — and it is doubtful whether such testimony would be now received. At all events, such testimony has never been permitted in this country, and in England its admissibility has been altogether placed upon the peculiar dignity and importance attached to the office of coroner; and no such reasons exist here. So, in England the times have been when the accused was not allowed witnesses, nor counsel, but such abuses of justice had been swept away long before our separation from that country.

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Bluebook (online)
26 Mo. 431, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/state-v-houser-mo-1858.