State v. Grocery Mfrs. Ass'n

Washington Supreme Court·Decided January 20, 2022·No. 99407-2·Published·Cited by 2 cases

Opinion

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FILE THIS OPINION WAS FILED FOR RECORD AT 8 A.M. ON

JANUARY 20, 2022

IN CLERK’S OFFICE SUPREME COURT, STATE OF WASHINGTON JANUARY 20, 2022 ERIN L. LENNON

SUPREME COURT CLERK

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF WASHINGTON

)

STATE OF WASHINGTON, )

)

Respondent, ) No. 99407-2 )

v. )

)

GROCERY MANUFACTURERS )

ASSOCIATION )

Petitioner. ) Filed: January 20, 2022 _______________________________)

GONZÁLEZ, C.J.—Voters have a right to know who funds their elections. To enforce that right, candidates and political committees are required to disclose their contributors or face a penalty for failing to do so. We are asked today whether the penalty for intentionally concealing the source of political contributions may be based on the amount concealed. We conclude that it may and accordingly affirm.

BACKGROUND

Washington voters have the constitutional right to propose laws and, when the legislature does not enact their proposals, vote on final passage. WASH. CONST.

art. II, § 1. Using this power, Washington voters proposed and passed Washington’s Fair Campaign Practices Act (FCPA or act), ch. 42.17A RCW. The FCPA is an attempt to make elections and politics as fair and transparent as

State v. Grocery Mfrs. Ass’n, No. 99407-2 possible; and to accomplish that goal, the act requires candidates, political committees, and lobbyists to disclose their campaign contributions and spending. LAWS OF 1973, ch. 1 (codified in part at chapter 42.17A RCW); see also Voters Educ. Comm. v. Pub. Disclosure Comm’n, 161 Wn.2d 470, 479-80, 166 P.3d 1174 (2007). The FCPA establishes that it is “the public policy of the State of Washington . . . [t]hat political campaign and lobbying contributions and expenditures be fully disclosed to the public and that secrecy is to be avoided” and “[t]hat the public’s right to know of the financing of political campaigns . . . far outweighs any right that these matters remain secret and private.” LAWS OF 1973, ch. 1, § 1(1), (10) (currently codified at RCW 42.17A.001(1), (10)).

The FCPA compels disclosure and “compelled disclosure may encroach on First Amendment rights by infringing on the privacy of association and belief.” Voters Educ. Comm., 161 Wn.2d at 482 (citing Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 64, 96 S. Ct. 612, 46 L. Ed. 2d 659 (1976)). To guard against infringing on these First Amendment rights, laws mandating disclosure “must survive ‘exacting scrutiny.’” Id. (quoting Buckley, 424 U.S. at 64). FCPA’s compelled registration and disclosure requirements have been upheld by state and federal courts many times over the years. See id. at 497-98; State v. Evergreen Freedom Found., 192 Wn.2d 782, 801, 432 P.3d 805 (2019); Human Life of Wash. Inc. v. Brumsickle, 624 F.3d 990, 994-95, 1005 (9th Cir. 2010) (rejecting an initiative-opponent’s First

State v. Grocery Mfrs. Ass’n, No. 99407-2 Amendment challenge to FCPA under the exacting scrutiny standard of Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310, 130 S. Ct. 876, 175 L. Ed. 2d 753 (2010); U.S. CONST. amend. I).

We are not the only state where the voters have the power to propose and pass legislation. In 2012, Proposition 37 was presented to California voters. This proposition would have required some manufacturers to disclose whether packaged food contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). The Grocery Manufacturer’s Association (GMA) and many of its member companies successfully campaigned against Proposition 37, and some received negative responses from the public for doing so.

In the wake of the Proposition 37 campaign, Washington sponsors filed Initiative 522. Like Proposition 37, this initiative would have required GMO labels on packaged food and like Proposition 37, GMA opposed it. GMA developed a campaign strategy to work against the initiative while shielding its member companies from the sort of negative public response that happened in California. As part of that campaign strategy, GMA created a segregated “Defense of Brands” strategic account that would hold and disburse contributions raised to oppose labeling requirements. GMA staffers explained that “‘state GMO related spending will be identified as coming from GMA which will provide anonymity and eliminate state filing requirements for contributing members.’” Clerk’s Papers

State v. Grocery Mfrs. Ass’n, No. 99407-2 (CP) at 4054 (quoting Ex. 15). Nothing in the record or briefing suggests GMA brought a declaratory judgment action under chapter 7.24 RCW to determine whether and how the FCPA would apply to its campaign work.

GMA raised more than $14 million to oppose GMO labeling efforts. GMA in turn contributed $11 million to the “No on 522” campaign from the Defense of Brands strategic account. Despite its political activities in Washington, GMA did not register as a political committee with the Public Disclosure Commission (PDC) and did not make any PDC reports until after this lawsuit was filed. In response to the suit, GMA registered “under duress” but, as of the time of trial, still had not filed all of the required reports.

The State sued, contending that GMA intentionally, flagrantly, and repeatedly violated the FCPA. GMA filed a separate lawsuit against the State for injunctive and declaratory relief, arguing that the State was unconstitutionally attempting to enforce Washington’s fair campaign laws. The suits were consolidated. At summary judgment, the trial court found that GMA was a political committee subject to the FCPA and that it had broken the law by failing to register with the PDC and failing to file disclosure reports. Concluding there were factual issues about whether GMA had intentionally violated the law (which would permit statutory punitive treble damages), the judge reserved the penalty for trial.

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