Scott v. Louisville/Jefferson County Metro Government

District Court, W.D. Kentucky·Decided March 31, 2024·No. 3:20-cv-00535·Unknown

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT WESTERN DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY LOUISVILLE DIVISION

ATTICA SCOTT, ET AL. PLAINTIFFS

v. No. 3:20-cv-535-BJB

LOUISVILLE/JEFFERSON COUNTY DEFENDANTS METRO GOVERNMENT, ET AL.

OPINION & ORDER DENYING CLASS CERTIFICATION

Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23 was amended in 1966 to expressly authorize class actions seeking declaratory or injunctive relief against a defendant that “has acted or refused to act on grounds generally applicable to the class.” FED. R. CIV. P. 23(b)(2). “Civil rights cases against parties charged with unlawful, class-based discrimination are prime examples” of these injunction class actions, which “ste[m] from equity practice.” Amchem Prod., Inc. v. Windsor, 521 U.S. 591, 614 (1997). The Plaintiffs in this civil-rights lawsuit seek a classwide injunction, under Rule 23(b)(2), to limit the use of crowd-control weapons by the Louisville Metro Police Department. Each Plaintiff was active in the 2020 protests following the deaths of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and others. And each was exposed to tear gas, pepper balls, flash-bang grenades, and other crowd-control weapons during confrontations with law enforcement that summer. In July 2020 they filed free-speech and excessive-force claims for past damages and future protection—asserting the latter claim not only on their own behalf, but also for a putative class of “all Peaceful Protestors who participated in a protest” in Louisville during the summer of 2020. See Amended Complaint (DN 32) ¶ 272. A lot has happened in Louisville and in this lawsuit since the summer of 2020. By 2023, when the Plaintiffs asked the Court to certify the class they sought to represent, protests had thinned, protestors had moved away, and public officials had moved on. Most important, police policy and practice had changed. Sometimes people achieve change faster out of court than in it: without an order from this or any other court, the LMPD substantially curtailed its crowd-control policy in a manner similar, if not identical, to the relief the Plaintiffs sought in litigation. Considering these changes, the Plaintiffs’ class-action request is practically, if not technically, moot. A classwide injunction would have little if any continuing benefit for most of the 2020 protesters; what benefit it offered would no longer address a common injury under Rule 23(b)(2); and any benefit would be redundant with other claims in this case. Plaintiffs’ counsel effectively agree: classwide relief, they concede, would add little to the injunctive or declaratory relief the individual named Plaintiffs may still pursue despite this ruling. Under the practical doctrine of “prudential mootness,” therefore, the Court declines to certify a class action. I. THIS LAWSUIT A. The Plaintiffs and Putative Class Representatives The plaintiffs in this civil-rights suit describe themselves as “a diverse group of [seven] individuals” (plus one non-profit organization) who came “together to exercise their rights to protest and demand change from their government” during the summer of 2020. Amended Complaint at 2. That summer, of course, featured demonstrations and protests in Louisville and across the country concerning the use of lethal force by police in the tragic and familiar cases of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and others. According to the Amended Complaint, each Plaintiff took part in those protests, which repeatedly produced tense confrontations between citizens exercising First Amendment rights and officers charged with maintaining order. And each Plaintiff, at some point during the summer, felt the effects of the LMPD’s efforts to move or disperse crowds of protesters with crowd-control measures such as tear gas, pepper balls, and flash-bang grenades. Though the factual record in this case remains disputed in several important respects, evidence indicates that Plaintiff Willa Tinsley attended the first major day of protests (on May 28, the day the Breonna Taylor 911 recording was released and three days after George Floyd’s death). She was exposed to tear gas, flash bangs, and pepper balls1 before she was able to find her car and leave. Tinsley Dec. (DN 21-9) ¶¶ 6–9, 18–22. She also protested on May 31. That day, she says, the LMPD forcibly dispersed the crowd with tear gas and flash bangs. Then officers arrested around 40 protesters—including Tinsley, who spent 30 hours in custody. Id. ¶¶ 31–35; May 31 Use of Force Report (DN 139-3) at 2. Kayla Meisner and Attica Scott attended the protests on May 29. They were exposed to tear gas and flashbangs during the LMPD’s effort to clear Jefferson Square Park. Meisner Dec. (DN 21-14) ¶¶ 5–7; Scott Dec. (DN 21-15) ¶¶ 3–12. Scott also saw LMPD officers use pepper balls and physical force on June 15 against a group of protesters that included Stevana Schauer; though Scott doesn’t allege she was

1 Pepper balls are “pepper-spray projectiles launched using guns or similar weapons,” Amended Complaint ¶ 38, that were used by LMPD “both as a chemical dispersal system and as an impact weapon,” DN 21-4 at 1. harmed by crowd-control weapons that day. See Scott Dec. (DN 21-15) ¶¶ 14–15; Schauer Dec. (DN 21-12) ¶¶ 7–15. Corbin Smith and Tyler Weakley joined a group of protesters that marched down Broadway on May 31. Smith Dec. (DN 21-10) ¶¶ 6–7. They were “forced into the crowd” as officers closed off side streets. Though they tried to leave once the LMPD deployed tear gas and flash-bang grenades, they were arrested and detained. Id. ¶¶ 6–8, 19–31; see also Weakley Dec. (DN 21-11). Patrick Moore was hit in the eye with a pepper ball while trying to leave the protests on June 1. Moore Dec. (DN 21-13) ¶¶ 5–24. Finally, the Kentucky Alliance Against Racial and Political Repression is a nonprofit organization that “work[s] to end racist practices in the community and government” through public education and community organizing efforts. Amended Complaint ¶¶ 8–10. Members of the Kentucky Alliance maintained a presence at several of the demonstrations to support the protesters with “supplies and security.” Aghaaliandastjerdi Dec. (DN 139-5) ¶ 6. The Alliance asserts that several of its members suffered injuries during the protests, id. ¶ 7; Spencer Dec. (DN 139-23); Owens Dec. (DN 139-31), and that the organization itself suffered direct harm in the form of diverted resources when it had to commit “staff time and energy that could have been spent on other projects or initiatives” to support protesters. Plaintiffs’ Supp. Br. (DN 178) at 11 (quotation marks omitted). It also “had to cancel at least one of its other scheduled activities” as a result of the confrontations with LMPD. Id.; Edison Dep. (DN 178-12) 55:3–12. B. Relief Requested Back in July 2020, while protests remained frequent and intense in Louisville, these Plaintiffs sued the Louisville Metro Government, fifteen unidentified LMPD officers, and three since-departed City leaders: Mayor Greg Fischer, interim Police Chief Robert Schroeder, and Assistant Chief LaVita Chavous. Amended Complaint ¶¶ 11–15. The Plaintiffs challenged the City’s use of “nonspecific” or “indiscriminate” crowd-control weaponry—that is, devices such as tear gas and flash-bang grenades that could not be specifically targeted at violent or threatening protesters but instead would naturally affect nearby peaceful protesters as well. See Class Cert. Hearing Tr. (DN 184) at 10:6–21. LMPD’s use of these weapons to subdue or disperse protesters, the Plaintiffs maintained, constituted unreasonable and excessive force under the Fourth Amendment—at least when the officer using the weapon knew it would affect people who were not threatening property or violence. Amended Complaint ¶¶ 297–99.

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Scott v. Louisville/Jefferson County Metro Government, (W.D. Ky. 2024).

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