Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedMarch 6, 2020
DocketCivil Action No. 2017-1000
StatusPublished

This text of Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency (Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency, (D.D.C. 2020).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

THE PROTECT DEMOCRACY PROJECT, INC., Plaintiff, Civil Action No. 17-1000 (CKK) v. U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY, Defendant.

MEMORANDUM OPINON (March 6, 2020)

This case involves a Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) request submitted by Plaintiff

the Protect Democracy Project, Inc. to Defendant National Security Agency (“NSA”). Pending

before the Court are Defendant’s Motion for Summary Judgment (“Def.’s Mot.”), ECF No. 34,

and Plaintiff’s Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment (“Pl.’s Mot.”), ECF No. 35. For the reasons

below, the Court finds that in camera review of the document relating to the Project’s FOIA request

is necessary to make a responsible de novo determination on the claims of exemption.

The current focus of the parties’ dispute is a memorandum memorializing a telephone

conversation between President Donald Trump and former NSA Director Admiral Michael

Rogers. See, e.g., Def.’s Stmt. of Material Facts as to Which There Is No Genuine Issue (“Def.’s

Stmt.”), ECF No. 34, ¶¶ 21–22; Pl.’s Stmt. of Undisputed Material Facts in Support of Mot. for

Summ. J. (“Pl.’s Stmt.”), ECF No. 35-1, ¶ 67, 69–70. The memorandum was drafted by Rick

Ledgett, the former Deputy Director of the NSA, and is therefore referred to as the “Ledgett

Memorandum.” See Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 21; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶ 48. NSA originally issued a Glomar response

declining to confirm or deny the existence of the requested documents. Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 9; Pl.’s

Stmt. ¶¶ 58–59.

1 Then, on April 18, 2019, the Department of Justice released a partially redacted report

drafted by Special Counsel Robert Mueller (the “Mueller Report”). Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 11; Pl.’s Stmt.

¶ 43. Volume II of the Mueller Report described a document that appeared to be responsive to the

Project’s Second Amended FOIA Request. Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 13; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶¶ 46–48. The relevant

portion of the Report reads:

On March 26, 2017, the day after the President called [Director of National Intelligence Daniel] Coats, the President called NSA Director Admiral Michael Rogers. The President expressed frustration with the Russia investigation, saying that it made relations with the Russians difficult. The President told Rogers “the thing with the Russians [wa]s messing up” his ability to get things done with Russia. The President also said that the news stories linking him with Russia were not true and asked Rogers if he could do anything to refute the stories. Deputy Director of the NSA Richard Ledgett, who was present for the call, said it was the most unusual thing he had experienced in 40 years of government service. After the call concluded, Ledgett prepared a memorandum that he and Rogers both signed documenting the content of the conversation and the President’s request, and they placed the memorandum in a safe. But Rogers did not perceive the President’s request to be an order, and the President did not ask Rogers to push back on the Russia investigation itself. Rogers later testified in a congressional hearing that as NSA Director he had “never been directed to do anything [he] believe[d] to be illegal, immoral, unethical or inappropriate” and did “not recall ever feeling pressured to do so.”

Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election, available

at https://www.justice.gov/storage/report.pdf, at 268–691 (emphasis added) (footnotes omitted).

Following the release of the Mueller Report, NSA withdrew its Glomar response. Def.’s

Stmt. ¶ 16; Notice of Withdrawal of Glomar Response, ECF No. 31. Now, NSA has withheld the

memorandum under FOIA. It primarily argues that the Ledgett Memorandum was properly

withheld under FOIA Exemption 5 because it is protected by the presidential communications

1 The page numbers referenced here are the page numbers of the entire report, which is in Portable Document Format (“PDF”) and is not consecutively paginated. This quotation is found on pages 56–57 of Volume II. 2 privilege. Def.’s Mot. at 8–15. It further argues in the alternative that FOIA Exemptions 1, 3, and

6 also justify withholding specific portions of the memorandum. Id. at 15–29.

In response, the Project argues that the presidential communications privilege does not

extend to the Ledgett Memorandum and, moreover, that NSA has waived reliance on the privilege

and/or officially disclosed the information at issue here. Pl.’s Mot. at 13–21. In particular, the

Project contends that the Mueller Report’s description reproduced above was an official disclosure

of the relevant information contained within the Ledgett Memorandum sufficient to preclude the

application of the presidential communications privilege. Id. at 20–21. The Project also contests

NSA’s withholding of information under Exemptions 1, 3, and 6. Id. at 21–28.

Some background on Exemption 5 provides context for why in camera review is warranted

in this case. Exemption 5 applies to “inter-agency or intra-agency memorandums or letters that

would not be available by law to a party other than an agency in litigation with the agency.”

5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(5). “To qualify [for this exemption], a document must thus satisfy two

conditions: its source must be a Government agency, and it must fall within the ambit of a privilege

against discovery under judicial standards that would govern litigation against the agency that

holds it.” Dep’t of the Interior v. Klamath Water Users Protective Ass’n, 532 U.S. 1, 8 (2001).

Over the years, it has been construed as protecting “those documents, and only those documents,

normally privileged in the civil discovery context.” Nat’l Labor Relations Bd. v. Sears, Roebuck

& Co., 421 U.S. 132, 149 (1975). Available privileges include the presidential communications

privilege. Judicial Watch, Inc. v. U.S. Dep’t of Defense (Judicial Watch II), 913 F.3d 1106, 1109

(D.C. Cir. 2019).

That privilege ensures that the President can receive “frank and informed opinions from

his senior advisers” who may otherwise “‘be unwilling to express [those views] except privately.’”

3 Id. at 1110 (quoting United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 708 (1974)). The shelter of this privilege

is “properly invoked with respect to ‘documents or other materials that reflect presidential

decisionmaking and deliberations and that the President believes should remain confidential.’” Id.

at 1111 (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d 729, 744 (D.C. Cir. 1997)). And it can be invoked

by not only the President, but also his advisors, to insulate their communications “in the course of

preparing advice for the President . . . even when these communications are not made directly to

the President.” Id. (alteration in original) (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 751-52). The

standard is whether the documents were “‘solicited and received’ by the President or his immediate

White House advisers who have ‘broad and significant responsibility for investigating and

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Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/protect-democracy-project-inc-v-national-security-agency-dcd-2020.