Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency

District Court, District of Columbia·Decided March 6, 2020·No. Civil Action No. 2017-1000·Published

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

THE PROTECT DEMOCRACY PROJECT, INC., Plaintiff, Civil Action No. 17-1000 (CKK)

v.

U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY, Defendant.

MEMORANDUM OPINON

(March 6, 2020)

This case involves a Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) request submitted by Plaintiff the Protect Democracy Project, Inc. to Defendant National Security Agency (“NSA”). Pending before the Court are Defendant’s Motion for Summary Judgment (“Def.’s Mot.”), ECF No. 34, and Plaintiff’s Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment (“Pl.’s Mot.”), ECF No. 35. For the reasons below, the Court finds that in camera review of the document relating to the Project’s FOIA request is necessary to make a responsible de novo determination on the claims of exemption.

The current focus of the parties’ dispute is a memorandum memorializing a telephone conversation between President Donald Trump and former NSA Director Admiral Michael Rogers. See, e.g., Def.’s Stmt. of Material Facts as to Which There Is No Genuine Issue (“Def.’s Stmt.”), ECF No. 34, ¶¶ 21–22; Pl.’s Stmt. of Undisputed Material Facts in Support of Mot. for Summ. J. (“Pl.’s Stmt.”), ECF No. 35-1, ¶ 67, 69–70. The memorandum was drafted by Rick Ledgett, the former Deputy Director of the NSA, and is therefore referred to as the “Ledgett Memorandum.” See Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 21; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶ 48. NSA originally issued a Glomar response declining to confirm or deny the existence of the requested documents. Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 9; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶¶ 58–59.

Then, on April 18, 2019, the Department of Justice released a partially redacted report drafted by Special Counsel Robert Mueller (the “Mueller Report”). Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 11; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶ 43. Volume II of the Mueller Report described a document that appeared to be responsive to the Project’s Second Amended FOIA Request. Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 13; Pl.’s Stmt. ¶¶ 46–48. The relevant portion of the Report reads:

On March 26, 2017, the day after the President called [Director of National Intelligence Daniel] Coats, the President called NSA Director Admiral Michael Rogers. The President expressed frustration with the Russia investigation, saying that it made relations with the Russians difficult. The President told Rogers “the thing with the Russians [wa]s messing up” his ability to get things done with Russia.

The President also said that the news stories linking him with Russia were not true and asked Rogers if he could do anything to refute the stories. Deputy Director of the NSA Richard Ledgett, who was present for the call, said it was the most unusual thing he had experienced in 40 years of government service. After the call concluded, Ledgett prepared a memorandum that he and Rogers both signed documenting the content of the conversation and the President’s request, and they placed the memorandum in a safe. But Rogers did not perceive the President’s request to be an order, and the President did not ask Rogers to push back on the Russia investigation itself. Rogers later testified in a congressional hearing that as NSA Director he had “never been directed to do anything [he]

believe[d] to be illegal, immoral, unethical or inappropriate” and did “not recall ever feeling pressured to do so.”

Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election, available at https://www.justice.gov/storage/report.pdf, at 268–691 (emphasis added) (footnotes omitted).

Following the release of the Mueller Report, NSA withdrew its Glomar response. Def.’s Stmt. ¶ 16; Notice of Withdrawal of Glomar Response, ECF No. 31. Now, NSA has withheld the memorandum under FOIA. It primarily argues that the Ledgett Memorandum was properly withheld under FOIA Exemption 5 because it is protected by the presidential communications

1 The page numbers referenced here are the page numbers of the entire report, which is in Portable Document Format (“PDF”) and is not consecutively paginated. This quotation is found on pages 56–57 of Volume II.

privilege. Def.’s Mot. at 8–15. It further argues in the alternative that FOIA Exemptions 1, 3, and 6 also justify withholding specific portions of the memorandum. Id. at 15–29.

In response, the Project argues that the presidential communications privilege does not extend to the Ledgett Memorandum and, moreover, that NSA has waived reliance on the privilege and/or officially disclosed the information at issue here. Pl.’s Mot. at 13–21. In particular, the Project contends that the Mueller Report’s description reproduced above was an official disclosure of the relevant information contained within the Ledgett Memorandum sufficient to preclude the application of the presidential communications privilege. Id. at 20–21. The Project also contests NSA’s withholding of information under Exemptions 1, 3, and 6. Id. at 21–28.

Some background on Exemption 5 provides context for why in camera review is warranted in this case. Exemption 5 applies to “inter-agency or intra-agency memorandums or letters that would not be available by law to a party other than an agency in litigation with the agency.” 5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(5). “To qualify [for this exemption], a document must thus satisfy two conditions: its source must be a Government agency, and it must fall within the ambit of a privilege against discovery under judicial standards that would govern litigation against the agency that holds it.” Dep’t of the Interior v. Klamath Water Users Protective Ass’n, 532 U.S. 1, 8 (2001). Over the years, it has been construed as protecting “those documents, and only those documents, normally privileged in the civil discovery context.” Nat’l Labor Relations Bd. v. Sears, Roebuck & Co., 421 U.S. 132, 149 (1975). Available privileges include the presidential communications privilege. Judicial Watch, Inc. v. U.S. Dep’t of Defense (Judicial Watch II), 913 F.3d 1106, 1109 (D.C. Cir. 2019).

That privilege ensures that the President can receive “frank and informed opinions from his senior advisers” who may otherwise “‘be unwilling to express [those views] except privately.’”

Id. at 1110 (quoting United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 708 (1974)). The shelter of this privilege is “properly invoked with respect to ‘documents or other materials that reflect presidential decisionmaking and deliberations and that the President believes should remain confidential.’” Id. at 1111 (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d 729, 744 (D.C. Cir. 1997)). And it can be invoked by not only the President, but also his advisors, to insulate their communications “in the course of preparing advice for the President . . . even when these communications are not made directly to the President.” Id. (alteration in original) (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 751-52). The standard is whether the documents were “‘solicited and received’ by the President or his immediate White House advisers who have ‘broad and significant responsibility for investigating and formulating the advice to be given the President.’” Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Dep’t of Justice (Judicial Watch I), 365 F.3d 1108, 1114 (D.C. Cir. 2004) (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 752). This privilege “‘should be construed as narrowly as is consistent with ensuring that the confidentiality of the President’s decision-making process is adequately protected.’” Id. at 1116 (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 752). “Unlike the deliberative process privilege . . . the presidential communications privilege . . .‘applies to documents in their entirety, and covers final and post- decisional materials as well as pre-deliberative ones.’” Id. at 1113–14 (quoting In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 745).

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Protect Democracy Project, Inc. v. National Security Agency, (D.D.C. 2020).

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