Phyllis Woodall v. State

CourtCourt of Appeals of Texas
DecidedSeptember 9, 2009
Docket08-07-00015-CR
StatusPublished

This text of Phyllis Woodall v. State (Phyllis Woodall v. State) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals of Texas primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Phyllis Woodall v. State, (Tex. Ct. App. 2009).

Opinion

COURT OF APPEALS EIGHTH DISTRICT OF TEXAS EL PASO, TEXAS

PHYLLIS WOODALL, § No. 08-07-00015-CR Appellant, § Appeal from the v. § 171st District Court THE STATE OF TEXAS, § of El Paso County, Texas Appellee. § (TC#20040D01264) §

OPINION

Phyllis Woodall was indicted for one count of aggravated promotion of prostitution (Count

1) and four counts of engaging in organized criminal activity (Counts II-V). A jury found her guilty

of engaging in organized criminal activity as specified in Count II of the indictment. She was

sentenced to sixteen years’ confinement and fined $10,000. For the reasons that follow, we reverse

and remand for a new punishment hearing.

STATEMENT OF FACTS

Appellant and her business partner, Jeannie Coutta, owned and operated the Naked Harem,

each having 50 percent ownership of the club. The Naked Harem was an adult entertainment

establishment without a liquor license. Patrons brought their own alcoholic beverages and paid a

cover charge to watch completely nude female dancers. For a $1 tip to the dancer per song, patrons

could sit by one of the stages and watch. For $10 to $20 per song, a patron could purchase a table

dance, in which the dancer was closer to and more intimate with the customer. For $130 in cash or

a $140 credit card charge, a patron could purchase a private dance – lasting two songs – in one of

the four private rooms. If the patron wanted more private time, he could purchase additional songs. The fee was not contingent upon sexual contact occurring.

The dancers were not employees and were not paid a salary. They were independent

contractors who paid the club $10 per day to perform. The dancers kept the money earned from their

stage and table dances, but they were required to split with the club the money charged for the

private dances. The dancers kept $40 per song and the club kept the balance. Any tips the dancers

received while performing in the private rooms were strictly theirs.

Appellant and Coutta had total control over club operations. They were rarely on the

premises, although Appellant had closed-circuit television cameras placed throughout the club –

except for the private rooms – and she would monitor the dancers from her house. Her managers

and dancers alerted her to problems or rumors of wrongdoing. If Appellant learned a dancer was

committing acts of prostitution, the dancer was supposed to be fired.

In addition to Appellant and Coutta, the other individuals named in the indictment as part of

the combination were club managers Sandra Zepeda, Jacob Crum, Maria Brooks, and Richard

Hamm. The managers were not paid a salary but received a commission based on a percentage of

club revenue. Generally speaking, the club generated 50 percent to 75 percent of its revenue from

the private dances. In fact, it could not have survived otherwise.

Testimony of the Employees

Appellant and Coutta did not like the dancers to only offer table dances, as that was seen as

selfish and it did not make money for the club. Thus, the managers were told to encourage the

dancers to sell private dances. The “official” policy was that no sexual contact was allowed

anywhere in the club, including the private rooms. There was a sign posted at the entrance stating,

“Sex is not permitted or offered in this club at all - From management.” But according to Jacob

Crum, Appellant encouraged the dancers to engage in sexual acts with the patrons. Crum was an employee of the club for seven years. He was aware of the sexual activity and

prostitution occurring in the private rooms and estimated that ten or twenty dancers were engaging

in sexual contact. Crum often had a choice of dancers to send to “high-rollers,” and he would send

the dancers he knew or suspected were willing to perform sexual acts. According to Crum,

Appellant knew about the prostitution. He overheard Appellant tell one of the dancers that she could

make a lot of money by engaging in oral sex. Appellant was also heard to comment that “the dancers

shouldn’t be having sex in the privates, but it was difficult or hard to control what they did back

there.”

Richard Hamm worked at the club for nine years in various positions including as a manager.

Appellant constantly told the managers that “whatever goes on in the private is private.” Hamm

knew that there was prostitution occurring. Crum and Zepeda also knew, but Brooks ignored it.

Zepeda’s daughter Precious danced at the club and Zepeda admitted that her daughter was a

prostitute. Hamm also explained that local Planned Parenthood representatives would come by the

club and leave a supply of condoms and dental dams. It also provided information regarding

sexually transmitted diseases. Appellant knew there were condoms available at the club.

Joel Rodriguez is another former manager. When he was hired, Appellant told him that sex

was against the rules and that he was to fire any dancer caught having sex in the private room or

talking about it. Yet when Rodriguez actually fired two dancers for talking about having sex in the

private rooms, Appellant re-hired them. She told Rodriguez it was none of his business and that he

should not interfere with the dancers.

Testimony of the Customers

Several former patrons testified and admitted engaging in sexual activity. Matthew Michael

Lopilato said dancers offering private dances approached him. When he asked what would occur in the private rooms, he was told that he could do anything he wanted. On several occasions, he

engaged in sexual activities with dancers in the private rooms. Michael A. Soto testified that when

he asked what happened in the private rooms, a dancer responded “pretty much anything” and told

him that they could have sex. He and a dancer had oral and “regular” sex. David Andrade had been

a customer for twenty years. He had sex with a dancer known as Brandy on thirty different

occasions. He also had sexual relations with fifteen other dancers at the club. David Montalvo was

also a twenty-year customer. He had sex with the dancers in the private rooms on several occasions.

According to Montalvo, not all the dancers were willing to have sex, but all you had to do was ask.

Anthony Martinez began going to the club in 1996. He had sex with Zepeda’s daughter,

Precious, in one of the private rooms. Pedro Cintron had sex in the club on various occasions and

in one instance spent in excess of $10,000 in a single night. Other patrons testified in similar

fashion.

Testimony of the Dancers

The jury also heard from some of the dancers. Veronica de Luna had a few regular customers

with whom she had sex in the private rooms. Mari Lee Snider danced for six months and had sex

with a customer on one occasion. Snider recounted that Appellant told the dancers not to touch the

condoms and that the customers should put them on. The condoms were not to be thrown in the

trash.

Tara Pannell testified that she too had sexual contact with the customers in the private rooms.

Although management encouraged dancers to do private dances, they were never told what to do

once they were in the private rooms. Pannell said that Appellant had nothing to do with her

committing acts of prostitution, but that Appellant knew prostitution was occurring.

Molly Crum also worked as a dancer. In spite of the no sexual-contact rule and despite the fact that her husband worked at the club, Crum had sex in the private rooms. She testified that

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