Perkins Coie LLP v. U.S. Department of Justice

District Court, District of Columbia·Decided May 2, 2025·No. Civil Action No. 2025-0716·Published

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

PERKINS COIE LLP,

Plaintiff, Civil Action No. 25-716 (BAH) v. Judge Beryl A. Howell U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, et al.,

Defendants.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

No American President has ever before issued executive orders like the one at issue in this

lawsuit targeting a prominent law firm with adverse actions to be executed by all Executive branch

agencies but, in purpose and effect, this action draws from a playbook as old as Shakespeare, who

penned the phrase: “The first thing we do, let’s kill all the lawyers.” WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE,

HENRY VI, PART 2, act 4, sc. 2, l. 75. When Shakespeare’s character, a rebel leader intent on

becoming king, see id. l. 74, hears this suggestion, he promptly incorporates this tactic as part of

his plan to assume power, leading in the same scene to the rebel leader demanding “[a]way with

him,” referring to an educated clerk, who “can make obligations and write court hand,” id. l. 90,

106. Eliminating lawyers as the guardians of the rule of law removes a major impediment to the

path to more power. See Walters v. Nat’l Ass’n of Radiation Survivors, 473 U.S. 305, 371 n.24

(1985) (Stevens, J., dissenting) (explaining the import of the same Shakespearean statement to be

“that disposing of lawyers is a step in the direction of a totalitarian form of government”).

The importance of independent lawyers to ensuring the American judicial system’s fair

and impartial administration of justice has been recognized in this country since its founding era.

In 1770, John Adams made the singularly unpopular decision to represent eight British soldiers

charged with murder for their roles in the Boston Massacre and “claimed later to have suffered the 1 loss of more than half his practice.” DAVID MCCULLOUGH, JOHN ADAMS 68 (2001). “I had no

hesitation,” he explained, since “Council ought to be the very last thing that an accused Person

should want in a free Country,” and “the Bar ought . . . to be independent and impartial at all Times

And in every Circumstance.” 3 DIARY AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF JOHN ADAMS 293 (L.H.

Butterfield et al. eds., 1961). When the Bill of Rights was ratified, these principles were codified

into the Constitution: The Sixth Amendment secured the right, in “all criminal prosecutions,” to

“have the Assistance of Counsel for . . . defence,” U.S. CONST. amend. VI, and the Fifth

Amendment protected “the right to the aid of counsel when desired and provided by the party

asserting the right,” Powell v. Alabama, 287 U.S. 45, 68 (1932). 1 This value placed on the role of

lawyers caught the attention of Alexis de Tocqueville, who in reflecting on his travels throughout

the early United States in 1831 and 1832, insightfully remarked that “the authority . . . intrusted to

members of the legal profession . . . is the most powerful existing security against the excesses of

democracy.” ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE, DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA 301 (Henry Reeve trans., 2002)

(1835).

The Supreme Court, too, has recognized the importance of lawyers to the functioning of

the American judicial system, since “[a]n informed, independent judiciary presumes an informed,

independent bar.” Legal Servs. Corp. v. Velazquez, 531 U.S. 533, 545 (2001). This is so because

Congress may legislate, the President may implement, and courts may adjudicate, “but only the

lawyers can prepare and submit the great issues of human justice under law in such manner and

1 Amici law professors highlight that the right to counsel was included in the Bill of Rights in large part to avoid “executive control of access to counsel,” which “could distort the administration of justice.” Br. of Amici Curiae 363 Law Professors in Supp. of Pl.’s Mot. for Summ. J. & for Declaratory & Permanent Injunctive Relief (“Law Professors’ Br.”) at 11, ECF No. 49; see also id. at 11-15 (reviewing the history of the inclusion of this right in the Bill of Rights and collecting authorities). The historical backdrop for these provisions, as Justice Black explained, was in direct response to the “willingness . . . of the courts of England to make ‘short shrift’ of unpopular and uncooperative groups,” including “lawyers whose greatest crime was to dare to defend unpopular causes.” Cohen v. Hurley, 366 U.S. 117, 139-40 (1961) (Black, J., dissenting); see also id. at 138-41 (reviewing the history and protections adopted in response).

2 form that courts, in the ultimate, may be effective.” Williams v. Beto, 354 F.2d 698, 706 (5th Cir.

1965). Absent their crucial independence, lawyers would “become nothing more than parrots of

the views of whatever group wields governmental power at the moment.” Cohen v. Hurley, 366

U.S. 117, 138 (1961) (Black, J., dissenting).

The instant case presents an unprecedented attack on these foundational principles. On

March 6, 2025, President Trump issued Executive Order 14230 (“EO 14230”), 90 Fed. Reg. 11781

(Mar. 11, 2025), entitled “Addressing Risks from Perkins Coie LLP.” 2 By its terms, this Order

stigmatizes and penalizes a particular law firm and its employees—from its partners to its associate

attorneys, secretaries, and mailroom attendants—due to the Firm’s representation, both in the past

and currently, of clients pursuing claims and taking positions with which the current President

disagrees, as well as the Firm’s own speech. In a cringe-worthy twist on the theatrical phrase

“Let’s kill all the lawyers,” EO 14230 takes the approach of “Let’s kill the lawyers I don’t like,”

sending the clear message: lawyers must stick to the party line, or else. 3

2 See Pl.’s Mot. for Summ. J. & Declaratory & Permanent Injunctive Relief (“Pl.’s MSJ”), Ex. 4, Declaration of Christopher N. Manning, Partner, Williams & Connolly (“Manning Decl.”), Ex. 27 (“EO 14230”), ECF No. 39-4 at 127. 3 This message has been heard and heeded by some targeted law firms, as reflected in their choice, after reportedly direct dealings with the current White House, to agree to demand terms, perhaps viewing this choice as the best alternative for their clients and employees. Yet, some clients may harbor reservations about the implications of such deals for the vigorous and zealous representation to which they are entitled from ethically responsible counsel, since at least the publicized deal terms appear only to forestall, rather than eliminate, the threat of being targeted in an Executive Order. As amici former and current general counsel caution, a “fundamental premise of the rule of law” is that “when parties challenge the government, their lawyers ‘oppose[] the designated representatives of the State,’ and ‘[t]he system assumes that adversarial testing will ultimately advance the public interest in truth and fairness.’ This safeguard against government overreach fails when attorneys cannot ‘advanc[e] the undivided interests of [their] client[s]’ for fear of reprisal from the government.” Br. of Amici Curiae Former & Current General Counsel Supporting Pl. Perkins Coie, LLP at 9-10, ECF No. 99 (alterations in original; internal citation omitted) (quoting Polk County v. Dodson, 454 U.S. 312, 318-19 (1981)). Only when lawyers make the choice to challenge rather than back down when confronted with government action raising non-trivial constitutional issues can a case be brought to court for judicial review of the legal merits, as was done in this case by plaintiff Perkins Coie LLP, plaintiff’s counsel Williams & Connolly, and the lawyers, firms, organizations, and individuals who submitted amicus briefs in this case.

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