People v. White CA4/1

California Court of Appeal·Decided May 28, 2026·No. D084553·Unpublished

Opinion

Filed 5/28/26 P. v. White CA4/1 NOT TO BE PUBLISHED IN OFFICIAL REPORTS California Rules of Court, rule 8.1115(a), prohibits courts and parties from citing or relying on opinions not certified for publication or ordered published, except as specified by rule 8.1115(b). This opinion has not been certified for publication or ordered published for purposes of rule 8.1115.

COURT OF APPEAL, FOURTH APPELLATE DISTRICT

DIVISION ONE

STATE OF CALIFORNIA

THE PEOPLE, D084553

Plaintiff and Respondent,

v. (Super. Ct. No. SCD274477)

JEREMY JONATHAN WHITE,

Defendant and Appellant.

APPEAL from a judgment of the Superior Court of San Diego County, Daniel B. Goldstein, Judge. Affirmed; amendment ordered. Sally Patrone, under appointment by the Court of Appeal, for Defendant and Appellant. Rob Bonta, Attorney General, Charles C. Ragland, Chief Assistant Attorney General, Robin Urbanski, Assistant Attorney General, Eric A. Swenson and Junichi P. Semitsu, Deputy Attorneys General, for Plaintiff and Respondent. I. INTRODUCTION

On January 9, 2021 — three days after the riot at the U.S. capitol — defendant Jeremy Jonathan White and several fellow Antifa movement activists traveled from Los Angeles to San Diego to meet local Antifa activists to counterprotest a planned right-wing “Patriot March.” Donning full tactical armor and armed with bear spray and a taser, White led Antifa marchers up and down the Pacific Beach boardwalk as many of the Antifa protesters violently confronted right-wing marchers. The scene devolved into a riot and police ultimately declared the Antifa protesters an unlawful assembly. Over a year later, a San Diego grand jury issued a 29-count indictment alleging that 11 defendants conspired to riot on behalf of Antifa to disrupt the January 9, 2021 political demonstration. Charges included conspiracy to

commit the crime of riot (Pen. Code,1 §§ 182, subd. (a)(1), 404); use of tear gas not in self-defense (§ 22810, subd. (g)); assault by means likely to produce great bodily injury (§ 245, subd. (a)(4)); assault with a stun gun or less lethal weapon (§ 244.5, subd. (b)); assault with a deadly weapon (§ 245, subd. (a)(1)); and taking from lawful custody by means of riot (§ 405a). The indictment alleged coconspirators committed 105 overt acts in furtherance of the conspiracy during 11 incidents. All but two defendants entered plea bargains, and the case proceeded to

a joint trial against only White and codefendant Brian Lightfoot.2 White was charged with two crimes: conspiracy to riot (count 1), and assault by means likely to produce great bodily injury (count 13 in connection with the

1 Further statutory references are to the Penal Code unless otherwise indicated. 2 Lightfoot is not a party to this appeal. We discuss the case against him only as it relates to White’s appeal. 2 indictment’s “Incident 5”).3 The jury found White guilty of conspiracy and

not guilty of assault. The trial court sentenced White to two years.4 On appeal, White contends the trial court committed the following nine errors: (1) recording custodial conditions in the sentencing minutes that were not orally pronounced at sentencing; (2) denying White’s motion for pretrial mental health diversion; (3) barring the defense from referring to victims by inflammatory names; (4) allowing an unqualified police detective to testify as an expert regarding Antifa; (5) denying White’s motion for mistrial and

dismissal based on discovery and Brady5 disclosure violations; (6) denying White’s motion to dismiss for lack of sufficient evidence under section 1118.1; (7) misinstructing the jury regarding the elements of conspiracy; (8) failing to instruct the jury sua sponte that self-defense is a defense to conspiracy to riot; and (9) denying White’s motion to remove trial jurors who reported an unsettling encounter with White outside the courthouse during the deliberation stage. For reasons we explain below, we conclude that other than correcting the trial court’s sentencing minutes to reflect the orally pronounced sentence, White’s appellate challenges lack merit. Accordingly, we affirm the judgment with directions to amend the sentencing minutes.

3 Lightfoot faced 16 charges, including conspiracy to riot, nine counts of using tear gas not in self-defense, four counts of assault by means likely to produce great bodily injury, and one count of assault with a deadly weapon. 4 As to Lightfoot, the jury found him guilty of conspiracy to riot, guilty of five counts of using bear spray not in self-defense, and not guilty of assault by means likely to produce great bodily injury. The jury was unable to reach a verdict on the remaining counts against Lightfoot and the court declared a mistrial on those charges. 5 Brady v. Maryland (1963) 373 U.S. 83 (Brady). 3 II. FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND

A. Prosecution Evidence

1. Antifa

San Diego Police Detective Emily Clark testified about Antifa and its ideology and tactics. Antifa is a loosely organized political movement that opposes fascism and authoritarianism. Antifa has no formal structure, hierarchy, leadership, or membership. All “it . . . takes to become Antifa” is “a desire and a willingness to be a part of the movement, to hold the ideology.” Local Antifa cells organize around the idea of an “affinity group,” which is the “concept” of two or more “people coming together over a shared goal or shared ideology.” The Antifa ideology opposes right-wing extremists, Nazis, and white supremacists, and looks unfavorably on law enforcement and government. Militant Antifa activists “use a couple different tactics” to disturb events they oppose: “disruption” and “confrontation.” “Disruption is the concept of massing prior to a protest in order to basically present a strong united front to . . . shut down or prevent the other group . . . from protesting and expressing their views.” “Confrontation . . . can be broken up in about two different parts.” One part “is identification of the person or the group” and “asking challenging questions.” “The other part” is “more violent confrontation to get [the adversaries] to leave.” Relatedly, “the concept of self-defense in the Antifa world” is “not exactly” the “traditional concept” of using force to defend against an attack. Instead, it is a “much broader scope” that “authorizes the use of force” and “violence to silence opponents” whose ideologies differ from Antifa’s. “They use violence to silence their opponents, basically.”

4 Antifa adherents often employ “black bloc,” which has two aspects. First, “it is a style of dressing all in black from head to toe,” covering as many identifiable features (e.g., skin, hair, tattoos) as possible. This helps prevent identification and allows people to “blend[] into a crowd [that]’s also dressing in black bloc . . . [s]o no one person necessarily really stands out.” Second, black bloc refers to “a tactic where a group who’s dressed in this way works together at a protest.” The attire acts as a “sort of” uniform that helps “members to identify other people that are on their team.” Antifa activists also use the “swarming” technique, which is to vastly outnumber and surround a person they are trying to attack. Swarming in black bloc presents an advantage by “disorienting” the victim. Antifa has adopted many symbols and slogans. Symbols include a “flag that’s kind of a diagonal red and black,” where the red represents communism and the black represents anarchy; a red and black flag with the phrase “Antifascist Action”; and the “Iron Front” symbol that consists of three downward arrows.

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