Liu v. Democratic National Committee (DNC)

CourtDistrict Court, S.D. New York
DecidedNovember 12, 2021
Docket1:21-cv-00767
StatusUnknown

This text of Liu v. Democratic National Committee (DNC) (Liu v. Democratic National Committee (DNC)) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, S.D. New York primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Liu v. Democratic National Committee (DNC), (S.D.N.Y. 2021).

Opinion

USDC SDNY DOCUMENT UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT ELECTRONICALLY FILED SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK DOC #: DATE FILED:_11/12/2021 LEWIS Y LIU, : Plaintiff, : : 21-cv-767 (LJL) -V- : : OPINION AND ORDER DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE, : Defendant. : wenn KX LEWIS J. LIMAN, United States District Judge: Defendant Democratic National Committee (the “DNC”) moves, pursuant to Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1) and 12(b)(6), to dismiss the complaint of plaintiff Lewis Y. Liu (“Liu”). Dkt. No. 17. Liu, a registered member of the Democratic Party, challenges the rules adopted by the DNC for the selection of the candidate chosen at its national convention to be the Democratic Party’s nominee for President of the United States. See Dkt. No. 2 (“Complaint” or “Compl.”). For the following reasons, the DNC’s motion to dismiss is granted. BACKGROUND AND PROCEDURAL HISTORY For purposes of this motion, the Court accepts as true the allegations of Liu’s Complaint. The Democratic Party’s presidential nominee is selected based on the votes of delegates elected in each of the 50 states, the District of Columbia, the five U.S. territories, and by Democrats Abroad. Compl. at 7. The delegates are pledged to support a candidate for President of the United States based on the votes in primaries or at caucuses held in each of the states and Jurisdictions. /d. Although the dates have varied over the years, the primaries and caucuses are held on dates selected by the states over the lengthy time period from February to June in the

year during which a presidential election is held. Id. at 7-8. By rule, however, only certain states are permitted to hold their contests before a certain date without risking the loss of some or all of their delegates to the convention. Id. at 7. Those states are Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, and South Carolina. Id. In the most recent election cycle, the delegate-selection rules specifically authorized those four states to hold February contests without risking such penalties; the

remainder of the states and territories that participated in the Democratic presidential primary process scheduled their contests beginning on March 3, 2020. Id. at 7-8. Similar rules were allegedly in place for the 2008 and 2016 election cycles. Id. at 7. For the 2008 election cycle, only Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, and South Carolina were permitted to hold a primary or caucus before February 5, 2008 without suffering a penalty. Id. In 2016, the date before which only these four states could hold a primary or caucus without penalty was February 1. Id. Liu is registered to vote in the state of New York. Id. at 1, 4. In September 2019, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo signed a bill into law that designated April 28, 2020 as the state’s presidential primary date. Id. at 7. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the primary was not

held until June 23, 2020. Id. at 8-9. Liu alleges that voters in contests that are held earlier have greater influence in selecting the candidate who will ultimately be the party’s nominee. Id. at 2, 11-12. He also alleges that voters in such states receive far more candidate and media attention and (as a result of candidates dropping out of the race) have far more choices for the nominee than persons who vote in states with later contests. Id. at 9-16. As a result, voters in states with late events feel disenfranchised. Id. Liu recognizes that the DNC has not adopted rules for the 2024 presidential contest; he alleges that, according to a news report, “the DNC hopes to have the calendar issues resolved before the summer of 2022, when possible 2024 candidates will begin planning their campaigns.” Id. at 10. Liu alleges that the DNC’s rules violate multiple constitutional provisions, including Article I, Section 9 (the Port Preference Clause); the privileges and immunities clauses of Article IV, Section 2 and Section 1 of the 14th Amendment; the First Amendment; and Section 2 of the

14th Amendment.1 Id. at 11-12. As relief, Liu seeks an injunction “to prevent the Defendant from continuing the existing discriminatory primary system that favors the Four States at the expense of all other states, DC and territories” and “a declaratory judgment from the Court that every voter’s right to vote in any election shall not be denied, diluted, debased, diminished, demeaned, disadvantaged, or manipulated in any way by any means on any account including but not limited to geographical residence.” Id. at 13. The DNC moves to dismiss pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1) and 12(b)(6). Dkt. No. 17. It argues that the Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction because Liu’s challenge to the 2024 delegate-selection process is not ripe and because Liu lacks standing. Dkt.

No. 18 at 8-11. It also argues that the Complaint fails to state a claim for relief because the DNC is not a state actor and Liu does not allege facts that would support a claim under any of the constitutional provisions he invokes. Id. at 11-16. DISCUSSION The Court first considers its subject matter jurisdiction. See United States v. Bond, 762 F.3d 255, 263 (2d Cir. 2014) (“Subject matter jurisdiction is a ‘threshold question that must be

1 In his opposition to the motion to dismiss, Liu also invokes the equal protection and due processes clauses of the 14th Amendment and Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 52 U.S.C. § 10301. Dkt. No. 22 at 4-5. Even if the Court were to consider his Complaint to be amended to assert claims under those provisions, however, the invocation of those provisions does not help Liu here. The ripeness analysis below applies equally to the provisions Liu cites in his Complaint as it does to those cited in his opposition to the motion to dismiss. resolved . . . before proceeding to the merits.’” (quoting Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Env’t, 523 U.S. 83, 88-89 (1998))); Wynn v. AC Rochester, 273 F.3d 153, 157 (2d Cir. 2001) (“[B]efore deciding any case we are required to assure ourselves that the case is properly within our subject matter jurisdiction.”). Because the Court concludes that Liu does not have standing and that the case does not present a constitutionally ripe controversy, it need not and does not

consider any of the DNC’s other arguments. “Under Article III of the U.S. Constitution, ‘[t]he judicial Power of the United States’ extends only to certain ‘Cases’ and ‘Controversies.’” Lacewell v. Off. of Comptroller of Currency, 999 F.3d 130, 141 (2d Cir. 2021) (alteration in original) (quoting U.S. Const. art. III, §§ 1-2). Two related doctrines ensure that the federal courts remain within their constitutional bounds. First, in order to invoke federal judicial power, “[t]he plaintiff must have (1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly traceable to the challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial decision.” Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 578 U.S. 330, 338 (2016). To satisfy the injury-in-fact prong, a plaintiff must demonstrate “an invasion of a

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Bluebook (online)
Liu v. Democratic National Committee (DNC), Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/liu-v-democratic-national-committee-dnc-nysd-2021.