STEPHENS, Circuit Judge
(dissenting).
In the conference held after the oral argument made to the Judges of this court sitting en banc in the above entitled case and its associate case Steer et al. v. White, 146 F.2d 576, I expressed the view that the judgments should be affirmed. My associates, however, were of the opinion that they should be reversed. Thereafter I prepared and distributed to the court members an opinion in the Duncan case, in support of my views. The court filed its opinion and decision reversing in both cases. I was keenly aware of the fact that the war was yet to be won and that a dissenting opinion in these cases held more possibility of harm than of good and I withheld it.
Now that the war is over and the Supreme Court has filed its opinion and decision (66 S.Ct. 606) there is nothing to be gained by further withholding it.
The opinion is the result of intensive reading and study and is thoroughly documented. I believe it to be a substantial contribution to the history of one of the most unique and important episodes in our nation’s existence. For the reason stated and because I desire my position made dear I have sought and obtained approval of our Senior Judge for filing it with the clerk of the court at this time.
This is an appeal by the respondent from the order of the United States District Court for the Territory of Hawaii in an Habeas Corpus proceeding, directing that the appellee, Lloyd C. Duncan, be released from the custody of the appellant. Pending the hearing in the district court appellee was released on bail, and pending this appeal he was released on his own recognizance.
Duncan, a civilian workman in the Navy Yard at Pearl Harbor, Territory of Hawaii, was arrested by the naval authorities for an attack upon two marines, who were stationed as guards at a navy yard gate. He was taken before a naval officer, sitting as a Provost Judge, was tried, found guilty and sentenced to six months imprisonment. He was committed to the Sheriff of the City and County of Honolulu, respondent-appellant, and by [944]*944him imprisoned in the city and county jail.1
It will always be remembered by the people of the civilized world that on Sunday morning of December 7, 1941, while the Republic of the United States and the Empire of Japan were at peace with each other, and while special representatives of Japan were conferring in Washington with the Secretary of State upon grave differences then existing between the two countries, a group of Japanese war planes struck and seriously damaged a large number of Navy vessels belonging to the United States Pacific Fleet, then in Pearl Harbor adjacent to Honolulu, and destroyed a large part of the United States aircraft and personnel at nearby Hickam Field. Almost at the same time the Japanese attacked other Pacific Island possessions of the United States and attacked the Philippine Islands and possessions of other nations.
While the basic question in every habe-as corpus proceeding is the legality of the restraint complained of, the question of jurisdiction is always paramount.
In this proceeding it is not disputed that the United States District Court of the Territory of Hawaii poásesses general jurisdiction of habeas corpus proceedings, and, of course, it has, but it is claimed that neither said court nor any other court had the jurisdiction to entertain or make any decisive order in respect of any petition for writ of habeas corpus affecting any person in the Territoi’y of Hawaii for the reason that the privilege of the writ was legally suspended in such territory during all of the times relevant to these proceedings.
As recited in a case decided by this court, Ex parte Zimmerman, 9 Cix-., 132 F.2d 442-444, only a very few hours after the Japanese attack upon Pearl Harbor the then Governor of the Territory, acting under a Territorial statute [§ 5(a) Act 24 Laws, Special Session Territory Legislation 1941], declared the existence of a defense period, and acting under § 67 of the Hawaiian Organic Act, 48 U.S.C.A. § 532,2 proclaimed martial law and suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus “until further notice.” These actions, though perhaps not the text of the proclamations, were communicated to the President, who approved them.
Appellee claims that the privilege of the writ was not legally suspended by the above noted actions, but this court took the opposite view in the Zimmerman case.3
It may be overstating the claim of appellant to say that he is of the opinion that once the privilege of the writ is suspended it remains suspended until officially reinstated. At any rate he does hold to the opinion that the circumstances which moved the Governor to order the suspension continue in kind if not in degree and that the suspension remains effective.
I am of the opinion that the privilege of the writ is at all times the right of everyone, except for the period during which facts exist which authorize its suspension. The unrevoked proclamation of suspension on December 7, 1941, is therefore, not conclusive that the privilege was in suspension on the 14th day of March, [945]*9451944, when Duncan sought the ' writ.4 Therefore, the proclamation of the Governor ordering the suspension does not preclude Duncan from filing his petition with a functioning United States Judge or Court.5
Originally it was, quite evidently, the thought of the Commanding General of the Territory that the Governor’s proclamation acted to completely wipe out the right of habeas corpus until the issuance of a counter-proclamation, and that no court or any officer of any court, including this or the Supreme Court, had a right to take any step in the furtherance of such a proceeding. General Orders No. 31 of the Commanding General issued under the title of Military Governor is that inclusive. Later, however, General Orders No. 31 was withdrawn and no one claims in this proceeding that Duncan was without the legal right to file his petition and that the court could issue its order to show cause and that thereupon it would become incumbent upon respondent to justify.
Respondent, however, did contend that the court should have refused to issue the writ and should have dismissed the petition upon being presented with affidavits to the effect that facts continued to exist which justified withholding the privilege. This the court refused to do, but, instead, issued the writ and promptly began the taking of evidence as to relevant facts then prevailing. This, I think, was proper procedure. At the conclusion of the receipt of evidence and after argument the court held that conditions obtaining at the time of filing the Duncan petition did not act to justify the withholding of the privilege and that therefore the court had jurisdiction to hear and decide upon the merits of the petition.
As the issues of jurisdiction and of the merits depend much upon the same evi-dentiary support, I shall proceed to state further facts as they are revealed in the record of the proceedings.
In order to fully understand the problems herein treated, it will be necessary to have in mind certain documents, the material parts of which I set out in the margin.6
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STEPHENS, Circuit Judge
(dissenting).
In the conference held after the oral argument made to the Judges of this court sitting en banc in the above entitled case and its associate case Steer et al. v. White, 146 F.2d 576, I expressed the view that the judgments should be affirmed. My associates, however, were of the opinion that they should be reversed. Thereafter I prepared and distributed to the court members an opinion in the Duncan case, in support of my views. The court filed its opinion and decision reversing in both cases. I was keenly aware of the fact that the war was yet to be won and that a dissenting opinion in these cases held more possibility of harm than of good and I withheld it.
Now that the war is over and the Supreme Court has filed its opinion and decision (66 S.Ct. 606) there is nothing to be gained by further withholding it.
The opinion is the result of intensive reading and study and is thoroughly documented. I believe it to be a substantial contribution to the history of one of the most unique and important episodes in our nation’s existence. For the reason stated and because I desire my position made dear I have sought and obtained approval of our Senior Judge for filing it with the clerk of the court at this time.
This is an appeal by the respondent from the order of the United States District Court for the Territory of Hawaii in an Habeas Corpus proceeding, directing that the appellee, Lloyd C. Duncan, be released from the custody of the appellant. Pending the hearing in the district court appellee was released on bail, and pending this appeal he was released on his own recognizance.
Duncan, a civilian workman in the Navy Yard at Pearl Harbor, Territory of Hawaii, was arrested by the naval authorities for an attack upon two marines, who were stationed as guards at a navy yard gate. He was taken before a naval officer, sitting as a Provost Judge, was tried, found guilty and sentenced to six months imprisonment. He was committed to the Sheriff of the City and County of Honolulu, respondent-appellant, and by [944]*944him imprisoned in the city and county jail.1
It will always be remembered by the people of the civilized world that on Sunday morning of December 7, 1941, while the Republic of the United States and the Empire of Japan were at peace with each other, and while special representatives of Japan were conferring in Washington with the Secretary of State upon grave differences then existing between the two countries, a group of Japanese war planes struck and seriously damaged a large number of Navy vessels belonging to the United States Pacific Fleet, then in Pearl Harbor adjacent to Honolulu, and destroyed a large part of the United States aircraft and personnel at nearby Hickam Field. Almost at the same time the Japanese attacked other Pacific Island possessions of the United States and attacked the Philippine Islands and possessions of other nations.
While the basic question in every habe-as corpus proceeding is the legality of the restraint complained of, the question of jurisdiction is always paramount.
In this proceeding it is not disputed that the United States District Court of the Territory of Hawaii poásesses general jurisdiction of habeas corpus proceedings, and, of course, it has, but it is claimed that neither said court nor any other court had the jurisdiction to entertain or make any decisive order in respect of any petition for writ of habeas corpus affecting any person in the Territoi’y of Hawaii for the reason that the privilege of the writ was legally suspended in such territory during all of the times relevant to these proceedings.
As recited in a case decided by this court, Ex parte Zimmerman, 9 Cix-., 132 F.2d 442-444, only a very few hours after the Japanese attack upon Pearl Harbor the then Governor of the Territory, acting under a Territorial statute [§ 5(a) Act 24 Laws, Special Session Territory Legislation 1941], declared the existence of a defense period, and acting under § 67 of the Hawaiian Organic Act, 48 U.S.C.A. § 532,2 proclaimed martial law and suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus “until further notice.” These actions, though perhaps not the text of the proclamations, were communicated to the President, who approved them.
Appellee claims that the privilege of the writ was not legally suspended by the above noted actions, but this court took the opposite view in the Zimmerman case.3
It may be overstating the claim of appellant to say that he is of the opinion that once the privilege of the writ is suspended it remains suspended until officially reinstated. At any rate he does hold to the opinion that the circumstances which moved the Governor to order the suspension continue in kind if not in degree and that the suspension remains effective.
I am of the opinion that the privilege of the writ is at all times the right of everyone, except for the period during which facts exist which authorize its suspension. The unrevoked proclamation of suspension on December 7, 1941, is therefore, not conclusive that the privilege was in suspension on the 14th day of March, [945]*9451944, when Duncan sought the ' writ.4 Therefore, the proclamation of the Governor ordering the suspension does not preclude Duncan from filing his petition with a functioning United States Judge or Court.5
Originally it was, quite evidently, the thought of the Commanding General of the Territory that the Governor’s proclamation acted to completely wipe out the right of habeas corpus until the issuance of a counter-proclamation, and that no court or any officer of any court, including this or the Supreme Court, had a right to take any step in the furtherance of such a proceeding. General Orders No. 31 of the Commanding General issued under the title of Military Governor is that inclusive. Later, however, General Orders No. 31 was withdrawn and no one claims in this proceeding that Duncan was without the legal right to file his petition and that the court could issue its order to show cause and that thereupon it would become incumbent upon respondent to justify.
Respondent, however, did contend that the court should have refused to issue the writ and should have dismissed the petition upon being presented with affidavits to the effect that facts continued to exist which justified withholding the privilege. This the court refused to do, but, instead, issued the writ and promptly began the taking of evidence as to relevant facts then prevailing. This, I think, was proper procedure. At the conclusion of the receipt of evidence and after argument the court held that conditions obtaining at the time of filing the Duncan petition did not act to justify the withholding of the privilege and that therefore the court had jurisdiction to hear and decide upon the merits of the petition.
As the issues of jurisdiction and of the merits depend much upon the same evi-dentiary support, I shall proceed to state further facts as they are revealed in the record of the proceedings.
In order to fully understand the problems herein treated, it will be necessary to have in mind certain documents, the material parts of which I set out in the margin.6
[946]*946Only those who are so deeply immersed in strict legalism that reality escapes them can possibly entertain any feeling but admiration for the military, the civil officials and citizenry of Honolulu for the prompt and orderly manner in which they acted almost in the echo of the bombs which had killed so many of our service men and [947]*947which had done so great a damage. The text of the Governor’s proclamation was to the effect that the Governor was placing the Commanding Officer in his place temporarily. However, no one in this case has gone so far as to contend that there was any law authorizing this extreme action, and no one is here contend[948]*948ing that there ever was such an official position as Military Governor. Yet the Governor did practically and actually abdicate his office and the Commanding General did assume the title of Military
Governor and did asstime to govern the Territory under that title.
Unquestionably the belief entertained by the Commanding General that he, as Military Governor, had command of [949]*949things civil as well as military, was the basis of action, which, I think, cannot be justified in law. And whether such action was done under one title or under another does not change its legal status,
The significant thing is that the Com[950]*950manding Officer, as I shall call him, did act closely upon-the pattern of a-Military Governor in conquered foreign territory, by issuing rules of conduct for the civilian population as General Orders, closing all courts and then permitting some of them to function under the directive that they were doing so as agents of the Military Governor.7 The same procedure was followed as to other civil officers and em[951]*951ployees of both the United States Govern-merit and the Territory. Provost courts were set up, manned by military officials, and these courts were authorized to try civilians, without juries, upon charges preferred by the military as to offenses prescribed by the civilian laws and by General Orders of the Commanding Officer or Military Governor. The sentences were in some instances fixed within the statutory provision of statutory offenses of like nature and in some instances greater than the maximum fixed by statute.
These provost courts have continued and do now continue to function. There is no claim in this proceeding that there was, at any time subsequent to the day of the aircraft attack, any fighting or any disturbance of any kind at any place in the Territory, which acted to prevent any court, United States or Territorial, from being open for the transaction of regular business. In fact both national and territorial courts sat on the morning following the attack, and were allowed to and did finish cases in process of trial. Commercial business continued without change of standard practices with exceptions required by the military.
On July 23, 1942, United States District Judge Ingram M. Stainback was appointed to succeed Governor Poindexter, and soon thereafter the new Governor journeyed to the nation’s capital, where he conferred with representatives of the Departments of War, Interior and Justice, and returned to the Islands with a compromise as to government, which relaxed the existing military government very materially. In Governor Stainback’s proclamation of September 2, 1942, the duties conceded to the civil government were enumerated,8 and United States and Territorial courts were permitted to open with some restrictions and they did open and from such time have functioned. The provost courts and a higher court of first instance, known as Military Commissions, continued. Regular elections were held throughout the Territory in the Fall of 1942, and the legislature convened in regular sessions at Honolulu from February 17, 1943, through its statutory period of 60 days, passing 217 laws. One of the measures passed was a comprehensive amendment of the Hawaiian Defense Act enlarging the Governor’s powers, and on March 10, 1943, Restoration of Civil Rights in Hawaii was celebrated by a joint session of both legislative houses, at which the Commanding General was honored and upon invitation he addressed the assembly, congratulating the people for their steadfastness, and gave his reasons for retaining certain powers ordinarily exercised by civil agencies. All existing military orders were revoked and rules and regulations under the Defense Act were promulgated.
The evidence without conflict establishes that the commanding officers of the Army and the Navy were convinced beyond any doubt at all that after the defeat of the Japanese in the great air and naval battle of Midway the Hawaiian Islands were secure from any invasion such as would encompass a bridgehead or permit of a land occupation. They were, however, just as positive in their opinions that it lay within the power of the Jap[952]*952anese to land raiding parties and project suicide squads in airplanes to some extent from submarines and carrier ships up to the time of the hearing of the instant case. They were of the opinion that raiding parties might gain valuable information or might release spies who could, perhaps, secure and communicate valuable information to the enemy.
Governor Stainback testified that he was well acquainted with affairs of the Islands generally, that there were no general disturbances among the people, that there has been no known sabotage on the Islands since the attack, and that there was none during the attack and all of this was undisputed. The Governor also testified that in his opinion there has been no need for martial law or for the suspension of the writ since the battle of Midway and that since that event, at most, there has been no invasion or imminence of invasion. He estimated that 95% of the civil government had been turned back into the normal channels by his relaxing proclamation. The Commanding Officers of the Army and Navy, however, testified that the nature of attacks, above described as possible, were imminent; There was testimony that there has always been a strong patriotic loyalty among the Hawaiian born Japanese people,9 but that some residents of Japanese ancestry were not loyal to the United States, and some have been arrested and interned for espionage.10
There is testimony of statements from high officers of the armed forces in the Pacific that by the time of the happening at the naval gate, between the marines, and Duncan, the enemy was on the defensive, and that the United States was successfully defeating him in many encounters, and had taken and held islands far to-the westward of the Hawaiians from his-possession.
The most potent testimony, both factual and argumentative, relating to the retention of provost courts, and respecting the imminence of invasion and safety of the public through the suspension of writ,, is that of Lt. Gen. Richardson, Military Commander of the Territory, from which I quote in the margin.11 The record sup[953]*953ports appellee's comment upon General Richardson’s testimony in his brief, and I quote: “General Richardson admitted that he was unfamiliar with the courts of Hawaii and had no knowledge of any delays, he saw no distinction between his [954]*954mission as a soldier in Hawaii and his political mission, but he conceded that the need for the existence of a military tribunal to enforce the Commanding General’s orders in Hawaii was no greater than the need for such a tribunal in California, Maryland or Pennsylvania.”
The decisive questions posad to the District Court were: Was the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus legally available to Duncan? Did the Provost Court have legal jurisdiction over Duncan?
I assume without deciding that the Hawaiian Organic Act, wherein the right to suspend the writ .is extended beyond the United States constitutional limitation, is the law of the Territory, and that the privilege may be suspended “in the imminent danger” of invasion. It follows, in accord with my discussion as to the court’s jurisdiction, that the suspension cannot be legal unless there is as a fact imminent danger and that because of imminent danger the public safety requires the suspension of the writ.
It is, of course, more harmful than beneficial to approach the construction of a written law from the strict technical or scholarship standpoint. Neither will it do to read it as though it had been thrown together loosely from colloquial conversations. The words of the United States Constitution were weighed by careful, practical, scholarly men, conscious that they were writing for posterity.12 This, if anything, was more emphatically true as to the amendments. Therefore, when the short and pithy Clause 2, § 9 of Article I, was composed, it was worded with such care that construction would not be needed. Its authors and advocates republished-this early Anglo-Saxon .writ of freedom in the Constitution, and for fear exceptions might be declared as reasonable, which would weaken its usefulness, they wrote in the only exceptions permissible — come what emergencies may. "The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the Public Safety may require it." The Hawaiian Organic Act has extended the permissive circumstances to include imminence of danger of rebellion or invasion until the President’s decision. It is safe to say that the Congress did not make this extension with any careless use of the term “imminent danger.” Imminent danger is not merely danger nor just possible nor probable danger. The significance of the word “imminent “is that it is a warning that necessity must be at hand before the right to the writ can be denied to one who desires to avail himself of it. Definition [New Standard Dictionary (Funk & Wagnalls)] : Threatening to happen at once, as some calamity; dangerous and close at hand; impending; as, imminent peril.
There was no rebellion nor any invasion during the period of Duncan’s altercation at the Navy Yard Gate, his trial and application to the United States Court for release from custody.13 There was some danger of hit and run attacks upon [955]*955the Hawaiian Islands from the enemy. There was no danger whatever of invasion in the sense of forced entry with the power to resist expulsion even for a short period. There was possibility of an attempt at hit and run performances, but there is not a factual word in the evidence as to imminence of invasion. Neither the District Court nor this court has a right to modify the meaning of the word imminence to the weaker meaning “possible but hardly probable.” If the theory of General Richardson is adopted, that because of the great change in engines of war anything can happen and because there may be conflict between civil and military commands and the facility of handling the military problems may be hindered by the functioning of civil officials, the writ can and should be suspended, then the effectiveness of the great writ of personal freedom will soon be chiseled away to nothing. It is in war times that its usefulness blossoms.14 If more were needed, what parts of the evidence, may I ask, bears upon the effect that the privilege of the writ granted to Duncan would have any relation to a rebellion or invasion, or where is the proof that any harmful effect could come to the prosecution of the war by the court’s issuing a show cause order in any case? No judge would have allowed the revelation of anything of the kind. If there was the slightest hint that Duncan’s alcohol confused brain was related to any scheme of sabotage or disloyalty of any kind different questions would be presented. I repeat that the whole theory that the suspension of the writ can ever be accomplished just as an assistance to the military has led appellant into error. And the error goes even deeper — it is the error that the Territory was being legally governed by military rule.
Ours is a government of laws and not of men. A government of laws means not a government of men but a government of prescribed law by and through its administration by men. The government of Hawaii, under the dominance of a Military Governor, is not a government of law at all — it is a one-man government. The Military Governor or the Commanding General recognized no other superior than the President, who, of course, could not be acquainted with details. The Commanding General adopted the local law if it suited him, and made new law by decree when it suited him. He used the legally constituted judiciary and courts and other local departments and their personnel in some instances, and created other courts and officers with his appointees as he thought best to do. When the regular official departments and personnel were used, they were said to have acted as agents of the Military Governor.
This was not martial law — it was military rule, which is no law at all.15 There is no other instance of its kind in American history.16 There is nothing in the [956]*956Hawaiian Organic Law authorizing it.17 There is no contemplation in any law that a civil governor will ever abdicate' any of his powers. This nation is so firmly committed to the • civil management of its affairs in war as well as in peace that the President, as a civilian, is the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. In the largest sense the President is the Supreme Marshal or High Sheriff, directing the armed forces under his command18 as to the major objectives, just as a Governor of a state calls the militia to his aid in a great emergency.19 The troops or their officers never succeed to supreme command. They execute the directive of the Governor.20 As is well said in appellee’s brief: “When Admiral Nimitz invaded the Marshalls, he recognized no municipal law of the enemy state, in fact his mission was to destroy all resistance. His will is law subject only to the application of the laws of war in such cases. On the other hand when our own military authorities, acting under martial law, exercise extraordinary powers over our own people, they do so in subordination to the civil' power. Their function is not' to conquer and govern but to defend and sustain the civil power.”
Hawaii is no different from the states in this regard. “The governor shall be responsible for the faithful execution of the laws of the United States and of the Territory of Hawaii * * * and whenever it becomes necessary he may call upon the commanders of the military and naval forces of the United States * * or summon the posse comitatus.” Act of April 30, 1900, supra.
Martial law is a different system of government by the military than military law* or, as some authorities prefer to call it, military rule. The Supreme Court has very recently made significant expressions in regard to martial law in the Japanese cases.21 There may be martial law in the field of operations. It is administered by the military and the President under broad acts of Congress. The use of power under such acts has been of great practical benefit, especially on the Pacific Coast during this war. Britain has used it in this war, never going to military rule, no matter what the emergency. In no case under this practice has any attempt been made in the long beleaguered Island of the English to susperid the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus nor to deprive any person of his day in a regularly constituted court.
Removal of objectionable personages from defense localities, curfew laws, blackout regulations and many other regulations of the civil population have been in practical use and have been sustained by the courts as legal. Fairman, The Law of Martial Rule (2d Ed.) p. 46: “Martial law is elastic in its nature, and easily adapted to varying circumstances. It may operate to the total suspension or overthrow of the civil authority; or its touch may be light, scarcely felt or not felt át all by the mass of the people, while the courts go on in their ordinary course, and the business of the community flows [957]*957in its accustomed channels.” The touchstone of the measure of power properly and legally enforceable under martial law or military law is “necessity.” Fairman, The Law of Martial Rule (2d Ed.) p. 50: “I conceive it is the better opinion that the law of England, born and nurtured in times when war within the realm was very possible, is not without resources in the face of rebels and public enemies; that a right arising from and commensurate with the necessity is a part, though an extraordinary part, of the Common law. Sir Frederick Pollock, The Expansion of the Common Law, 105.”
The troublesome feature of the situation is how, when, where and by whom shall the “necessity” be adjudged. Its use is plain and this trouble does not arise in the midst of immediate combat, where, for the moment at least, the Commanding Officer is the dictator of both civil populace and military forces under usual and practiced rules of war where possible. A Commanding Officer would find no court putting the seal of legality upon acts done under a declaration of martial law in a locality far removed from any war activity of any kind, but the line of demarkation cannot be defined.
As to this case wherein the ordinary affairs of society are progressing according to normal pattern, hut with pressures here and there, with business and 95% of government being handled by normal civil agencies, and all courts open, able to and actually functioning, there is no color of authority for the military to arrest a civilian, try and convict him, and send him to jail by order of a provost court, and that without the right oí a jury.
The landmark case, Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S. 2, 18 L.Ed. 281 22 as it seems to me, rests upon sound reasoning in its essence. The liberal excerpts in the report of this ,case from the arguments constitute on the part of the petitioner’s counsel admirable essays on the struggle for liberty with long and able reaches into history by great and honorable men. For the most part this cannot be said for the respondent’s side. The Attorney General, as it was his duty to do, presented as able an argument as could be made upon the jurisdiction of the court and there he stopped. Argument upon the merits of
military commission trials was by one who performed his part in character.23 This man’s career contains no bright areas of righteousness or love for the principles of the Bill of Rights. He wove into his argument the foul slander that the greatest peril suffered by the Union in our internecine war “is imbecility of the administration.” (The administration of Abrahim Lincoln and his successor Andrew Johnson) “It is getting rid of that danger,” he said, “unenumerated, that we have to use military power, military orders, military law and military commissioners.” But the court unanimously rejected these calumnies and specious arguments. Mr. Hughes (subsequently Chief Justice) in American Bar Association Reports, Vol. XL1I (1917) p. 244, commented upon that case as follows: “The court was unanimous in the opinion that under the terms of the Act of Congress creating the commission it had no jurisdiction. But the majority of the Court went further and declared that Congress was without power to provide for the trial of citizens by military commissions save in the locality of actual war and when there was no access to the courts. Maintaining with eloquent emphasis the guarantees of freedom contained in the Fifth and Sixth Amendments, the majority of the Court asserted that ‘Martial law cannot arise from a threatened invasion. The necessity must be actual and present; the invasion real, such as effectually closes the courts and deposes the civil administration * * *. Martial rule can never exist where the courts are open, and in the proper unobstructed exercise of their jurisdiction. It is also confined to the locality of actual war.’ ”
At one place in the majority opinion of the Milligan opinion it is said: “If this position is sound to the extent claimed, then when war exists, foreign or domestic and the country is subdivided into military departments for mere convenience, the commander of one of them can, if he chooses, within his limits on the plea of necessity, with the approval of the Executive, substitute military force for and to the exclusion of the laws, and punish all persons, as he thinks right and proper, without fixed or certain rules.”
There is no great fundamental difference [958]*958between the Milligan case and the instant one, but the cases are set in radically different circumstances. At the time of the Milligan case there was a mad radical group ready for revenge and plunder and the dark chapter of American history in the decade following 1864 would have been longer and more, to be regretted but for the courage and wisdom of the Supreme Court Judges sitting in the Milligan case. In the Duncan case the actors are all deeply concerned with the winning of a great war, which in itself will advance the cause of civil rights of the American ideals immensely. But the very integrity of intention may endanger the constitutional safeguards to individual freedom by the creation of destructive precedent.
The courts being open and functioning properly accorded the prisoner this rightful privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and upon the showing made in this case properly ordered him released from custody and restored of his liberty. The orders of the district court should be affirmed.
Syn: impending, threatening. Imminent, from the Latin, with the sense of projecting over, signifies liable to happen at once, as some calamity. Impending, also from the Latin, with the sense of hanging over, is closely akin to imminent, but somewhat less emphatic. Imminent is more immediately, impending more remote, threatening more contingent. An impending evil is almost sure to happen at some uncertain time; an imminent peril is one liable to befall very speedily; a threatening peril may be near or remote, but always with hope that it may be averted. — Ant: chimerical, contingent, doubtful, improbable, problematical, unexpected, unlikely.