In re Hart for a Writ of Habeas Corpus

149 N.W. 568, 29 N.D. 38, 1914 N.D. LEXIS 6
CourtNorth Dakota Supreme Court
DecidedNovember 21, 1914
StatusPublished
Cited by11 cases

This text of 149 N.W. 568 (In re Hart for a Writ of Habeas Corpus) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering North Dakota Supreme Court primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
In re Hart for a Writ of Habeas Corpus, 149 N.W. 568, 29 N.D. 38, 1914 N.D. LEXIS 6 (N.D. 1914).

Opinions

Beuce, J.

(after stating tbe facts as above). Tbe question to be resolved in this case is whether, after an order suspending a jail sentence on which no commitment bas been issued, and six months after tbe period of that sentence bas expired, tbe court which imposed tbe sentence and suspended tbe same may revoke tbe order, and order tbe commitment of tbe defendant, and require her to serve out tbe original jail sentence.

Tbe statute under which tbe sentence was suspended is chapter 136 of tbe Laws of 1913, and reads as follows: “Section 1. Court may suspend or modify sentence, when. In all prosecutions for misdemeanors, where tbe defendant bas been found guilty, and where tbe court or magistrate bas power to sentence sucb defendant to tbe county [42]*42jail, and it appears that the defendant has never before been imprisoned for crime, either in this state or elsewhere (hut detention in an institution for juvenile delinquents shall not be considered imprisonment), and where it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court or magistrate that the character of the defendant and circumstances of the case are such that such defendant is not likely again to engage in an offensive course of conduct, and where it appears that the public welfare does not demand or require that the defendant shall suffer the penalty imposed by the law, said court or magistrate may suspend the execution of the sentence or may modify or alter the sentence imposed in such manner as to the court or magistrate, in view of all the circumstances, seems just and right.”

We are of the opinion that the court had jurisdiction to revoke this order. There can be no doubt that the power “to remit fines and forfeitures, to grant commutations and pardons after convictions, for all offenses except treason and cases of impeachment,” was by § 76 (art. 3) of the Constitution vestéd solely and exclusively in the govern- or; that § 76, that is to say — article 3 of the Amendments — took this exclusive power from the governor and vested it in the board of pardons, of which the governor is a member, and that the sole and exclusive power in such matters now rests in that board. Re Webb, 89 Wis. 354, 27 L.R.A. 356, 46 Am. St. Rep. 846, 62 N. W. 177, 9 Am. Crim. Rep. 702; Snodgrass v. State, — Tex. Crim. Rep. —, 41 L.R.A.(N.S.) 1144, 150 S. W. 162. We realize, of course, that there are some authorities which seem to hold that, prior to the- American Revolution, the English courts exercised a co-ordinate power in such matters, and which seem to argue for a like power in the American courts. If the premise were true, it can, on the ground of analogy, have no application in America, as, prior to the English Revolution and the establishment of the so-called parliamentary idea, the theory, though occasionally com-batted, was consistently adhered to, that the power which was possessed by the courts flowed from the King, that all agencies of government derived their power from him, and that these powers were exercised in accordance with his wish and will, and that when the exercise of power or authority was sanctioned by him it was deemed to have the approval of the sovereign power. Even after the English Revolution, and the establishment of the parliamentary idea, it has been “the King in Par[43]*43liament” wbo bas governed trials. There are not in England, in fact, and never have been, three distinct agencies of government, wholly independent of each other, with their powers and duties defined by the written law of the land, as is the case in America. See Snodgrass v. State, supra; Jenks, Short History of English Law, p. 187. The act of the judge, therefore, was to a large extent that of the sovereign.

Even if this were not the case, however, the premise is itself entirely false from a historical standpoint. Prior to the American Kevolution the English courts never, as a matter of fact, exercised, or presumed to exercise, the powers which are sought to be conferred by the statute in question, and at the time of the English Kevolution, in 1688, and, long prior to the American Kevolution and to the adoption of the American Constitutions, both state and national, had ceased to exercise the powers on the analogy of which the premise and the argument is based. To quote from the opinion in the case of Snodgrass v. State, supra: “In the early days of England a person upon trial as to his guilt or innocence was not permitted to introduce any witnesses to prove himself innocent of an offense charged against him, nor in mitigation of the punishment. The Crown introduced its evidence to prove his guilt, and, if that testimony showed his guilt to the satisfaction of the jury, they so found. If the court had a doubt of his guilt from the testimony, it could not grant a new trial on that ground, and no appeal was then permitted on' this ground. Under this condition the plea of benefit of clergy arose. It was first claimed by officials of the church alone, who claimed the right to be tried in • the ecclesiastical court. This plea was then permitted to all persons eligible to clerk or other position in the church, — that is, all men who could write, — and finally broadened to apply to all persons charged with crime. Not being permitted to offer testimony showing his innocence on the trial, nor offer testimony in mitigation of the punishment, after being found guilty by verdict, when granted the benefit of clergy, persons adjudged guilty of crime were first permitted in the ecclesiastical court to expurgate themselves, or prove their innocence and offer evidence in mitigation. Later the courts that tried the cases after verdict but before assessment of the punishment by sentence, would permit a defendant to introduce testimony in mitigation of the punishment to be assessed by the sentence or judgment of the court; and under this system there grew up [44]*44the custom of suspending the sentence until the evidence was heard under this plea, so that the court might have the benefit of it in arriving at the punishment he would assess. Upon hearing this testimony the court frequently refused to inflict the death penalty, which was. virtually the penalty for all felonies, and would only assess a penalty of burning in the hand to mark the man; later, burning in the face; and, still later, sentencing the person adjudged guilty, to transportation to America or some other' point beyond the seas, and other penalties. From this power of the courts of England, claimed and exercised in an early day, must we look to any inherent power in a court to ameliorate or relieve any person of punishment adjudged guilty of an offense. In Chitty’s Grim. Law, Vol. 1, p. 624, the rule at that time is said to have been: ‘By the common law . . . the prisoner was not even permitted to call witnesses. . . . But the jury were to decide on his guilt or innocence according to their judgment upon the evidence offered in support of the prosecution. And, though . . .

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Bluebook (online)
149 N.W. 568, 29 N.D. 38, 1914 N.D. LEXIS 6, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/in-re-hart-for-a-writ-of-habeas-corpus-nd-1914.