Griffin, Phyllis v. Roupas, Elaine

CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedOctober 15, 2004
Docket03-3770
StatusPublished

This text of Griffin, Phyllis v. Roupas, Elaine (Griffin, Phyllis v. Roupas, Elaine) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

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Griffin, Phyllis v. Roupas, Elaine, (7th Cir. 2004).

Opinion

In the United States Court of Appeals For the Seventh Circuit ____________

No. 03-3770 PHYLLIS GRIFFIN, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellants, v.

ELAINE ROUPAS, et al., Defendants-Appellees.

____________ Appeal from the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division. No. 02 C 5270—Ronald A. Guzmán, Judge. ____________ ARGUED SEPTEMBER 8, 2004—DECIDED OCTOBER 15, 2004 ____________

Before POSNER, RIPPLE, and WOOD, Circuit Judges. POSNER, Circuit Judge. The plaintiffs, who appeal from the grant of a motion by the defendants (the members of the Illinois State Board of Elections) to dismiss the complaint for failure to state a claim, are working mothers who contend that because it is a hardship for them to vote in person on election day, the U.S. Constitution requires Illinois to allow them to vote by absentee ballot. Illinois allows voting by absentee ballot only if the voter either “expects to be absent [on election day] from the county in which he is a qualified elector” or is unable to vote in person because of physical 2 No. 03-3770

incapacity, religious observance, residing outside his precinct for attendance at a college or university, or having to perform specified official duties—election judge in another precinct, certain other election duties, or serving as a sequestered juror. 10 ILCS 5/19-1. Failing as they do to qualify for any of these exceptions, the plaintiffs ask us to order in the name of the Constitution weekend voting, all- mail voting, an unlimited right to an absentee ballot, a general hardship entitlement to such a ballot, or some other change in Illinois law (Internet voting from home, perhaps?) that would allow people who find it hard for whatever rea- son to get to the polling place on election day nevertheless to vote. The procedural setting requires us to accept the allegation in the complaint that the plaintiffs, although they will not be out of the county in which they are registered to vote on election day, will be unable to get to the polling place even though the polls are open in Illinois from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. on election day and employers are required to give employees two hours off work that day if they need the time for voting. 10 ILCS 5/17-1, -15. Many people besides working mothers might find themselves in the same fix, such as emergency- room and other medical personnel, persons who work at the other end of a large county from their precinct, persons who work at two jobs, and those who are caring for a sick or disabled family member. The Constitution does not in so many words confer a right to vote, though it has been held to do so implicitly. Harper v. Virginia State Bd. of Elections, 383 U.S. 663, 665-66 (1966); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 554-55 (1964); Tucker v. U.S. Dept. of Commerce, 958 F.2d 1411, 1414-15 (7th Cir. 1992); Hall v. Simcox, 766 F.2d 1171, 1172-73 (7th Cir. 1985). Rather, it confers on the states broad authority to regulate the conduct of elections, including federal ones. U.S. Const. art. No. 03-3770 3

I, § 4, cl. 1; Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 729-30 (1974); Marston v. Lewis, 410 U.S. 679, 681 (1973) (per curiam); Krislov v. Rednour, 226 F.3d 851, 859 (7th Cir. 2000); Gelb v. Board of Elections, 224 F.3d 149, 153-54 (2d Cir. 2000). Be- cause of this grant of authority and because balancing the competing interests involved in the regulation of elections is difficult and an unregulated election system would be chaos, state legislatures may without transgressing the Constitution impose extensive restrictions on voting. Any such restriction is going to exclude, either de jure or de facto, some people from voting; the constitutional question is whether the restriction and resulting exclusion are rea- sonable given the interest the restriction serves. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U.S. 351, 358-59 (1997); Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 438-42 (1992); Nader v. Keith, No. 04-3183, 2004 WL 2102087 (7th Cir. Sept. 22, 2004); Libertarian Party v. Rednour, 108 F.3d 768, 773 (7th Cir. 1997); Werme v. Merrill, 84 F.3d 479, 483-84 (1st Cir. 1996). No greater precision in the articulation of the governing stand- ard seems possible. In essence the plaintiffs are claiming a blanket right of registered voters to vote by absentee ballot. For it is obvious that a federal court is not going to decree weekend voting, multi-day voting, all-mail voting, or Internet voting (and would it then have to buy everyone a laptop, or a Palm Pilot or Blackberry, and Internet access?). That leaves as the only alternative that will satisfy the plaintiffs a general hardship exemption from the requirement of in-person voting; and as a practical matter that means absentee voting at will. For “hardship” is a subjective category dependent on personal circumstances that cannot be codified but must be left to the judgment of each voter. It is hardly to be supposed that election officials would require proof of hardship or question claims of hardship; the necessary inquiry would be unman- ageable. 4 No. 03-3770

So at bottom the plaintiffs are arguing that the Constitution requires all states to allow unlimited absentee voting, and the argument ignores a host of serious objections to judi- cially legislating so radical a reform in the name of the Constitution. Voting fraud is a serious problem in U.S. elections generally and one with a particularly gamey history in Illinois (as we noted in Nader v. Keith, supra), and it is facilitated by absentee voting. John C. Fortier & Norman J. Ornstein, “Symposium: The Absentee Ballot and the Secret Ballot: Challenges for Election Reform,” 36 U. Mich. J.L. & Reform 483 (2003); William T. McCauley, “Florida Absentee Voter Fraud: Fashioning an Appropriate Judicial Remedy,” 54 U. Miami L. Rev. 625, 631-32 (2000); Michael Moss, “Absentee Votes Worry Officials as Nov. 2 Nears,” New York Times (late ed.), Sept. 13, 2004, p. A1. In this respect absentee voting is to voting in person as a take-home exam is to a proctored one. Absentee voters also are more prone to cast invalid ballots than voters who, being present at the polling place, may be able to get assistance from the election judges if they have a problem with the ballot. And because absentee voters vote before election day, often weeks before, e.g., Nader v. Keith, supra, at *6, they are deprived of any informa- tion pertinent to their vote that surfaces in the late stages of the election campaign. The major parties are reported to be encouraging their core supporters to vote by absentee ballot so that, having as it were put them in the bag, the parties can redirect their efforts and pitch to the waverers. R.W. Apple Jr., “Kerry Pins Hopes in Iowa on Big Vote From Absentees,” N.Y. Times (nat’l ed.), Sept. 28, 2004, p. A18; John Harwood, “Early Voting Begins in Presidential Battlegrounds: In Iowa, ‘Ballot Chasers’ Seek Decisions and an Edge Weeks Before Election Day,” Wall St. J., Sept. 27, 2004, p. A1; Moss, supra; Ron Lieber, “Cast a Ballot From the Couch: Absentee Voting Gets Easier,” Wall St. J., Sept. 2, 2004, p. D1. No. 03-3770 5

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