Glasgow v. Baker

128 U.S. 560, 9 S. Ct. 154, 32 L. Ed. 513, 1888 U.S. LEXIS 2251
CourtSupreme Court of the United States
DecidedDecember 10, 1888
Docket40
StatusPublished
Cited by8 cases

This text of 128 U.S. 560 (Glasgow v. Baker) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of the United States primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Glasgow v. Baker, 128 U.S. 560, 9 S. Ct. 154, 32 L. Ed. 513, 1888 U.S. LEXIS 2251 (1888).

Opinion

Mr. Justice Miller,

after stating the case, delivered the opinion of the court.

It will be seen at once that there is really no contest about the claim of the plaintiff, :unless the defendants have established some break in the continuity of the title which the - United States may have received from France by the treaty of 1803, or unless the exceptions in that treaty of private property take the land in controversy out of that class where the right of ownership was vested in the United S ;ates by the' treaty. We must turn then to the defence in jthis case to ascertain whether the decision of the Supreme Cpurt of Missouri is sound which held that defence to be a goq’d one.

There is no question here as to the jurisdiction of this court, although the case comes from the Supreme Court of a State, for every matter in dispute arises either under the treaty of 1803, the acts of Congress in regard to these l^nds, or the authority of some officer of the government of the United States exercised over them.

The act of June 13, 1812,, was passed, as we have stated, for the purpose of prescribing more liberal principles by which the claims of private persons to portions of ■ what otherwise would have been public land should be ascertained and established, and its provisions must be construed in that spirit. The inhabitants of French villages had a system1 of dividing and distributing the ownership of lands in and about them not common to people of English origin. Collecting themselves together for residence in that part of the settlement which may be called the village proper, they selected small parcels of land .for cultivation, which were generally long strips with *572 narrow fronts. These measured by the French arpent were usually two or three arpents wide by forty in length, running .backward in the shape of a parallelogram. The' dividing lines between these adjoining tracts, which were held by different owners, were sometimes well marked, but in other cases not so distinctly indicated. The ground in which these small pieces of land were thus held by, their various individual owners was known as the “ town or village lots, out-lots, common field lots and commons,” belonging to the particular village. A large number of the villages in the northern part of Louisiana, which afterwards came to be called the Territory •of Missouri, had-these outlying appendages to the village proper, which were always treated as a part of it. The act of 1812 very carefully gives the names of the villages so situated, reciting the names of “Portage des Sioux, St. Charles, St. Louis, St. Ferdinand, Villago" a Bobert, Carondelet, St. Genevieve, New Madrid, New Bourbon, Little Prairie, and Arkansas, in the Territory of Missouri,” as those to which the act applied. It also declares that “ the rights, titles and claims ” intended to be covered by that statute are those to the “town or village lots, out-lots, common field lots, and commons in, adjoining, and belonging to the several towns or villages” thus designated.

It will thus be seen with what care the statute enumerated the villages to which it was intended to apply and the kind of claims to tracts of land therein proposed to be covered by • it.

The act then proceeds to confine its operation to those- lots which “have been inhabited, cultivated, or possessed prior to the twentieth day of December, 1803,” that being the date on which, as already stated, the government and possession of the territory in which these settlements are located were actually transferred from France to the United States. It may also be noted that the language of the statute does not refer-to .lots then inhabited, cultivated, ^r possessed, that is, on December 20, 1803, but to such as had been so inhabited, cultivated, or possessed prior to that date. There is nothing . in the act which implies that the title conferred by it was *573 dependent on actual possession at the very date when the above transfer was made, but, on the contrary, if there had been habitancy, cultivation or possession prior to that time, the act operated upon the property.

It will also be observed that these qualifications of what is, to be confirmed require no description of the person of the owner, nor any evidence that any particular individual shall' be proved to have inhabited, cultivated, or possessed any lot prior to December 20, 1803, nor any derivation of title from such a party, but simply that the land shall have been inhabited, cultivated, or possessed prior thereto. The act then proceeds to declare that “ the same,” evidently referring back to the “ rights, titles, and claims,” mentioned at the beginning of the section, to such lots as these, which “ have been inhabited, cultivated, or possessed, prior to the 20th day of December, 1803, shall be, and the same are, hereby confirmed to the inhabitants of the respective towns or villages aforesaid, according to their several right or rights in common thereto.”

The same section also made it the duty - of the principal deputy surveyor to run and mark “the out-boundary lines of the said several towns or villages so as to include the out-lots, common field lots and commons thereto respectively belonging.”

Testimony was offered in the trial court, which is found in the transcript of the record in this case, tending to show that the land now in controversy had been confirmed to four different individuals, Laroche, Bouis, Baccanne and Bizet, respectively, by the Board of Commissioners established by the act of 1812, and that surveys of those confirmations, which, for reasons not necessary to explain, had been delayed a great many years, had finally been made by one Cozens. The court was asked to hold that those surveys constituted “prima fade evidence of the correct location of such confirmations.” The lower court declined to do this, but the Supreme Court of the State in reversing its judgment declared that they were such prima fade evidence.

Although the duty of making a survey of the village of St Louis, which should include all these outlying commons, out- *574 lots and common field lots, was neglected by the officers of the government charged with its performance by the first section of the act of 1812, which we have been considering, such surveys have been made, and plats are presented in this record showing the locality of the village of St. Louis in 1803, together with the extent and location of each of the above classes, of commons and out-lots. Among these is a large piece of land, designated as the “ Grand Prairie Common Field of Saint Louis,” within which all the land in dispute is embraced. There is also evidence enough'to show that all the land within this tract had been occupied and cultivated, within the meaning of the act of '1812, prior to December 20, 1803, and this fact is conceded in the argument of counsel for plaintiff in error, even if it were not clearly established. It may be taken as an unquestioned fact, as it is in the argument and in the Supreme Court of Missouri, that all the lands in the Grand Prairie Common Field had been occupied, cultivated and possessed by the inhabitants of the village of St. Louis prior to December 20, 1803.

Under these circumstances the trial court was asked to declare the law to be as follows:

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Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
128 U.S. 560, 9 S. Ct. 154, 32 L. Ed. 513, 1888 U.S. LEXIS 2251, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/glasgow-v-baker-scotus-1888.