Glasco v. Hills

412 F. Supp. 615
CourtDistrict Court, D. New Jersey
DecidedApril 26, 1976
DocketCiv. 75-1007
StatusPublished
Cited by6 cases

This text of 412 F. Supp. 615 (Glasco v. Hills) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. New Jersey primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Glasco v. Hills, 412 F. Supp. 615 (D.N.J. 1976).

Opinion

BIUNNO, District Judge.

The present application is for a preliminary injunction to restrain the collection of rents authorized by the federal agency which regulates the rentals on housing projects financed under the federal housing program.

One of the arguments is that federal law on the subject does not preempt the field, leaving the City of Newark free to also regulate rents under the local ordinance." Since both sets of regulations take the form of setting máximums, the effect of this posture would be to set the maximum rent at the lower of the two máximums.

The history of rent control in the United States is a spotty and irregular one, more so than for price regulation as such. There has never been any general recognition of a justification for rent control in the last half century except during World War II, which saw a nationwide system of economic controls at the national level to regulate and control all prices, including wages and rents as well as commodities and services, along *616 with rationing of commodities felt to be subject to the risk of short supply, such as meat, butter, gasoline and fuel oil.

Since World War II there has been very little in the way of similar economic regulation, the general policy choice being that the competitive private enterprise system traditional here yields more acceptable results for the system as a whole over the long run than do systems of detailed regulation. Part of the reason for this attitude no doubt resides in a recognition of the fact that unless substantially all significant areas of economic activity are brought within the control system, the goals of regulation will be frustrated by the existence, side by side, of several sets of markets, some regulated and others not. Another factor, of course, is the massive administrative workload which any general economic control system engenders, along with the considerable costs for manpower and supplies which accompany it. These costs and this expenditure of manpower produce no usable commodity or service; they are unproductive; they add nothing to the gross national product.

Of course, this is not to say that there are no areas of economic regulation. There are such areas. Perhaps the oldest such area is that of the public utilities, whether they be for rail, bus and motor, air or vessel transportation, or for electric, gas, water, sewerage or telephone services. But these are vastly different in character from rent control. These categories are based on the notion that the capital costs of setting up to render the service are so high that the economy cannot afford to take the risk of financial collapse of an enterprise due to competition. The policy decision here is to grant limited monopolies — monopolies being the potentially most efficient form of economic endeavor — and to superimpose regulation as a substitute for competition.

Another area of control, quite unique, is that of milk price control. Here the object is to protect the producer, processor and supplier of milk against the risk of price declines due to cyclical oversupply, which if allowed to occur would drive some inefficient producers out of business and thus reduce the productive capacity for turning out what is thought to be an essential food. The economic control here takes the form of establishing a minimum, rather than a maximum, price.

In New Jersey, minimum prices for cigarettes and posted prices for gasoline are set to protect the State’s revenue from the taxation of these commodities against diversion, and posted minimum prices for alcoholic beverages are set to avoid encouraging their undue consumption.

In Europe, perhaps the most widely known instance of rent control is that of Paris, and many volumes have been written about it by many scholars, the consensus of which evidently is that rent control there has failed to achieve its purposes because of the effect it has had in destroying any motive to add to the supply of housing.

In this country, the most extensive system of post-war rent control probably has been in New York City. There, the system is one of a dual market, with rent controls applied to existing housing but not to new housing. This has had the effect that anyone familiar with the subject would predict, namely that the private new housing is aimed at tenants in a high economic bracket. The inevitable result is an ample supply of new luxury housing, leaving it to government projects to provide financing for middle income and low income housing. The inability of the governmental agencies to meet their overextended financial obligations, supposedly to be met from revenues of operation, has contributed to the financial disaster experienced by both the City and State of New York, with incidental adverse impact on the financial capacity of all other State and local governments and agencies throughout the country.

At the national level, the effort in respect to housing has taken various forms. Most of them have approached the problem from the standpoint of financing the construction of housing. For that segment of the market that includes owner-occupied housing, the federal government provides guaran *617 tees of mortgage loans through FHA and VA. Four economic elements are involved here: loan amounts at much higher proportion of the value of the property than are available on a prudent, conventional mortgage; lower interest rates than the money market conditions would command for comparable risk; longer amortization schedules (and hence lower monthly payments); and a guarantee of full payment to the lender in the event of default.

Aside from providing economic support of this kind at the consumer end, which helps provide means to satisfy the demand and thus stimulates construction, which in turn enlarges the supply, the federal programs have also attacked the problem more directly from the supply end. This has taken several forms, which may be used alone or in combination. One form involves the making of grants to help meet the cost to a local government agency (usually a housing authority) to acquire title to badly rundown areas of a city, to demolish the buildings, clear the area and prepare the site for redevelopment construction. This makes available at feasible cost land that would otherwise be so expensive as to foreclose the likelihood of privately financed clearance and redevelopment.

Another form consists of making available loans, or guarantees of loans, with very long amortization terms either at interest rates far below going market levels or with payments to so reduce the net interest rates as to provide financing otherwise wholly unavailable to meet construction costs. These devices serve to stimulate construction and thus add to the supply. Finally, and more recently, it has provided rent supplements to help individual occupants to meet the market price of available housing. This device functions by increasing the number of individuals who can meet the price, thereby increasing the demand and hopefully stimulating the provision of supply by maintaining the prices that will attract capital. See, e. g., Coppergate v. Lynn, 391 F.Supp. 821 (D.C.N.J.1975).

The programs have had varying degrees of success, with the experience with PruittIgoe in St. Louis being the example of complete disaster.

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Related

Hill Manor Apartments v. Brome
395 A.2d 1307 (New Jersey Superior Court App Division, 1978)
Hill Manor Apartments v. Stokes
381 A.2d 1224 (New Jersey Superior Court App Division, 1977)
515 ASSOCIATES v. City of Newark
424 F. Supp. 984 (D. New Jersey, 1977)
Overlook Terrace Management Corp. v. Rent Control Board of West New York
366 A.2d 321 (Supreme Court of New Jersey, 1976)
Lane v. Hills
72 F.R.D. 158 (D. New Jersey, 1976)

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Bluebook (online)
412 F. Supp. 615, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/glasco-v-hills-njd-1976.