Erskine v. Henry

36 Va. 188, 9 Leigh 75
CourtSupreme Court of Virginia
DecidedFebruary 15, 1838
StatusPublished

This text of 36 Va. 188 (Erskine v. Henry) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of Virginia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Erskine v. Henry, 36 Va. 188, 9 Leigh 75 (Va. 1838).

Opinion

Brockenbrough, J.

The principal difficulty in this case, arises from the fact, that the negroes, who are the subject of this suit, were declared to be slaves by the circuit court in a suit brought by them to recover their freedom against Erskine. He held them, I apprehend, under the will of mrs. Crouch, until they (the negroes) should arrive of age. I presume, he did not claim to hold them as his slaves for a longer period than the one I have mentioned. Mrs. Crouch held all the slaves given to her by M’Coy for her life only; and it would seem from the language of her will, that she supposed, that such as were bom after the death of M’Coy, and had not arrived of age at the period of her death, were her own slaves till they should come of age. She devised them for that limited period to Erskine, with directions to appropriate their hires during that time to his own proper use; and, I suppose, it was for that limited period he claimed them, when they sued him for their [193]*193freedom, claiming it not under the will of’ mrs. Crouch, but that of M' Coy.

I shall consider, 1. Whether, under M'Coy's will, they were free or not ? and 2. Whether, if they are free under that will, the. decision of the circuit court in the suit between them and Erslcine, is irrevocably binding, so as to make them slaves to the plaintiffs, who were not parties to that suit ?

1. Are they free or not ? Absolom M’ Coy, by his will, gave to Rebecca Crouch all his real and personal estate for her life, and at her death all his negroes to be free. And then he bequeathed, at the death of mrs. Crouch, to Thomas and George Falces all his personal estate, except his negroes which were then to be free and at full liberty. Thus, in the two clauses, giving first a life estate, and at the expiration thereof a remainder, he expressly bequeathed freedom to all his slaves, to take effect at the expiration of the life estate. Who were his slaves? Undoubtedly, not only those in being at the time of his own death, but the children of the females born during the life estate of mrs. Crouch. Those children were born slaves, because their mothers being then in a state of slavery, their children were in the same state. But they were slaves to the life tenant, only during her life, and no longer. Nor could they be slaves to the remaindermen at all, because the will expressly excludes all his negroes from being subjects of the gift in remainder. At the termination of the life estate, all his negroes were to be free ; but if those born during that life estate are excluded from the operation of the bequest, then all of his negroes will not be free, but some of them will still be slaves. It seems to me, that the right of the child to freedom is identical and cotemporaneous with that of the mother; and that when mrs. Crouch died, eo instanti the will of M' Coy operated to confer freedom on both. These propositions seem to me so plain as not to stand in need of authority; but if [194]*194they do, we have it in the case of Elder v. Elder’s ex'or. The decision of the court in the pauper suit between-these negroes and Erskine, was founded on the authority of Maria v. Surbaugh; but 1 do not think that the cases are alike. In that case, the testator William Holliday had bequeathed to a legatee, a female slave, who was to be free at the age of thirty-one years. She was a slave till thirty-one; and the court decided, that her children born before that period were in the same state as the mother, that is, were slaves; and there was nothing in the will to shew, that the testator intended to extend the bequest of freedom to them at the time the mother was to be free. But, in this case, the testator extended the bequest of freedom to all his slaves, born and to be born.

2. The great difficulty, as I have said, arises from the decision of the circuit court in the suit of the paupers against Erskine, which has never been reversed. It seems to me, that the paupers are not barred by that judgment, as against the plaintiffs in this suit, they not being parties in that suit. The obligatory character of a judgment or decree must be reciprocal. Suppose that the negroes in question had been slaves by the will, and the circuit court had erroneously decided in the suit brought by them against Erskine, that they were free. Such a judgment would not have been binding on the next of kin of T. Sf G. Fakes, they not being parties to the suit. They might have sued for and recovered them, into whose hands soever they might have fallen; or they might have taken peaceable possession of them, and in a suit for false imprisonment by the paupers against them, the previous judgment in favour of freedom, rendered in the suit against Erskine, would not have availed the negroes. As the next of kin of T. fy G. Fakes, in that state of the case, could not have been injured by a judgment between other parties, so neither can they be benefited by the judgment against the [195]*195paupers in their suit with ErsJcine. It may be, that if . . • the plaintiffs in this case had been parties to that suit, as well as ErsJcine, the circuit court might have decided differently. Those parties would have been in a belligerent attitude towards each other: it would have been the interest of ErsJcine to shew, that the FaJceses had no right, and vice versa: and from their contests the court might have discovered, that neither had a right, but that the negroes were free.

But it was argued, that as this is a case in which the negroes are not parties, they must be here looked on as property, having been declared to be slaves; and that all we have to do is to decide, which of the present parties has the best right to the properly. I do not think so. The plaintiffs are bound to shew, that they have a complete right; and if the defendant can shew, that the plaintiffs have no right, they cannot succeed, though the defendant defeats his own right. He has the possession, and must hold it against those who have no right.

It is proper that we should arrive at this result, to prevent circuity of actions. If the plaintiffs in this suit could recover possession of the negroes against ErsJcine, the negroes might immediately institute proceedings in forma pauperis against the present plaiutiffs, and as the former judgment would be no evidence against them, they would recover their freedom. We ought not to encourage this kind of litigation.

It has been said, that the rights of the negroes will be placed in jeopardy by this decision ; for as ErsJcine holds them, and has a decree in his favour, they can never recover their freedom against him. I do not know that such will be the result. The record of the suit for freedom is not before us, but from what can be gathered of its contents from the proceedings in this suit, I apprehend, that the only claim ErsJcine had against the negroes, was, that they were his property until they should arrive at the age of twenty-one, till which time, [196]*196under mrs. Crouch’s will, he was to hire them out, and apply the proceeds to his own proper use. The declaration

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Bluebook (online)
36 Va. 188, 9 Leigh 75, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/erskine-v-henry-va-1838.