Elmo v. Myers v. Gilman Paper Corporation v. International Association of MacHinists and Aerospace Workers (Afl-Cio)

544 F.2d 837
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
DecidedMarch 21, 1977
Docket75-2201
StatusPublished
Cited by95 cases

This text of 544 F.2d 837 (Elmo v. Myers v. Gilman Paper Corporation v. International Association of MacHinists and Aerospace Workers (Afl-Cio)) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Elmo v. Myers v. Gilman Paper Corporation v. International Association of MacHinists and Aerospace Workers (Afl-Cio), 544 F.2d 837 (5th Cir. 1977).

Opinion

GEWIN, Circuit Judge:

Three international and five local unions appeal from a district court order finding the unions liable, apportioning the share of liability to be borne by each union, and approving a consent decree between the plaintiffs and defendant employer in this class action under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e, and under 42 U.S.C. § 1981. 1 See Myers v. Gilman Paper Corporation, 392 F.Supp. 413 (S.D.Ga.1975). Appellees, representing five classes of black employees and former employees of Gilman Paper Company (“the *843 company”), 2 sought affirmative relief in addition to back pay for alleged racial discrimination in employment, promotions, and transfers by the company and the union defendants. The eight defendant unions are the United Paperworkers International Union (“UPIU”), the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (“IBEW”), the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (“IAM”), UPIU Locals 453, 446, and 958, IBEW Local 741, and IAM Local 1128. 3

This case is perhaps part of a new era of employment discrimination litigation in the Fifth Circuit. Our cases to date primarily have involved questions of whether Title VII liability could be based on certain company and union practices, such as departmental seniority and rules providing for no transfers between lines of progression or departments and for no posting of vacancy notices. To be sure, issues involving those practices are presented here. However, in this case we are also asked to decide issues of apportioning monetary liability between the company and unions and among the unions themselves based on such discriminatory practices. Further, we must decide the power of a district court in a Title VII action to approve a consent decree negotiated between the plaintiffs and the employer, over union objections, which supersedes certain provisions of collective bargaining agreements not expressly found to be either in violation of Title VII or insufficient to eliminate the present effects of past discrimination. A detailed review of the complex procedural and factual history of this *844 case is necessary in order to resolve these difficult issues.

I. Factual and Procedural Background.

Gilman Paper Company is a New Hampshire corporation that operates two facilities in St. Mary’s, Georgia. One is a plant ■ for manufacturing paper bags (“the bag plant”). All of the employees at the bag plant are in a single bargaining unit represented by UPIU Local 958. The other facility is a paper mill (“the mill”). UPIU Locals 446 and 453 represent 72% of the mill employees, with other unions representing the mill’s two craft units: IAM Local 1128 represents the machinist unit, which constitutes 18% of the mill work force; IBEW Local 741 represents the remaining 10% of the mill work force, in the electrician unit. Fourteen hundred people work in bag plant or mill bargaining units represented by the unions, 700 at each facility. Plaintiffs represent approximately 369 people, 321 of whom were in the employ of the company in December, 1973. Prior to the effective date of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, July 2, 1965, the company assigned blacks to work in mill jobs traditionally reserved for them: laborer, janitor, unload-er, arid yard servicer. The UPIU chartered a local union (No. 616) to represent employees in those jobs. After the bag plant opened in 1959, UPIU assigned jurisdiction of the few blacks in that plant to Local 616, even though all other bargaining unit jobs at the bag plant were assigned to the subsequeritly organized UPIU Local 958, and even though no other mill local represented bag plant employees. There was some testimony that Local 616 initiated inquiries as early as 1963 about merging with the white locals and that an international representative in 1965 may have urged the locals to merge, but a merger was effected in 1970 only upon the express instructions of UPIU.

With the effective date of Title VII, the company began hiring blacks in significant numbers at the bag plant, placing 80 percent of them in traditionally white jobs. However, even after the effective date of Title VII, the company assigned few whites to traditionally black jobs at both facilities. In the late 1960’s, for example, Local 616 had only one white member. Fifty-five of the 77 new black hires in the mill between 1965 and 1972 were assigned to “black jobs.” The company in 1965 also began considering incumbent blacks for transfers to the lucrative production and maintenance jobs under the jurisdiction of the then all-white locals. From 1965 to 1972 five blacks transferred to formerly white jobs in the bag plant, and thirty blacks transferred to formerly white jobs in the mill, including at least two to IAM maintenance jobs and one to an IBEW job in the powerhouse. Barriers existed, however, to blacks attempting to take advantage of the company’s new policy of considering them for transfers to formerly white lines of progression. First, the company reserved the right to deny transfers and would normally deny transfers to persons who were skilled in certain lines. Second, the company had no policy of posting notices of vacancies and was not required to do so by its collective bargaining agreements with the unions. Third, under the collective bargaining agreements a transferring employee could not take his job seniority with him. If he transferred, he gave up his accumulated seniority. As a consequence of these factors, relatively few blacks sought transfer between 1965 and 1972.

During the 1960’s and early 1970’s the unions occasionally sought to broaden discriminatees’ job opportunities. In 1963 UPIU proposed additional language to the collective bargaining agreement guaranteeing “each employee equal opportunity in all aspects of employment.” The company rejected the clause and the employees voted to accept the company’s last offer rather than to strike. In 1965 the UPIU renewed its proposal of the clause and the company accepted. In 1968 the UPIU sought a provision which would have compelled the company to fill vacancies in lines of progression with existing employees. Under the proposal a labor pool would have been created which would feed all lines of progression on a plant seniority basis. The company rejected this proposal and the employees vot *845 ed to accept a contract without such a provision. In 1970 UPIU suggested that all vacancies be posted throughout the plant for bidding; that the employee with the greatest plant seniority bidding for a vacancy receive it; that transferring employees be assured that they would not suffer a pay cut upon transfer to a new line of progression; and that transferring employees be able to use their plant seniority to hold a job if confronted with permanent layoffs in their new unit. However, under the union proposal job, not plant, seniority would still govern promotion within lines of progression. The company rejected these and other UPIU proposals, and UPIU struck for four weeks.

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Bluebook (online)
544 F.2d 837, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/elmo-v-myers-v-gilman-paper-corporation-v-international-association-of-ca5-1977.