Dunn v. City Council of Charleston

16 S.C.L. 189
CourtSupreme Court of South Carolina
DecidedJanuary 15, 1824
StatusPublished

This text of 16 S.C.L. 189 (Dunn v. City Council of Charleston) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of South Carolina primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Dunn v. City Council of Charleston, 16 S.C.L. 189 (S.C. 1824).

Opinions

The opinion of the court isas delivered by

Mr. Justice JVott.

This case presents the two following questions for the consideration of the court:

1st. Whether the act of 1817, authorizes the City Council to take any more of the land belonging to the plaintiff) than was necessary for the purpose of widening the street?

2d. If it does, whether the legislature, in delegating such authority, have exceeded their constitutional powers?

The argument appears to me to have taken a much more .extensive range than was necessary to the decision of the question submitted. In the course of the discussion, an inquiry has been made, not only into the power, and the extent of the power which a government possesses to appropriate the property of individuals to public purposes; (which by civilians, is called the eminent domain;) but also in what branch or department of the government that power is vested.

With regard to the first, 1 think, we may, without any affectation of learning, venture unhesitatingly to affirm that every government, whatever may be its form, must possess such a power. It is an essential attribute of sovereignty, without which no government can exist. To what other various-[196]*196■objects the principle extends, is not now necessary to be in-*-quired; but that it embraces the right to take private property for any public purpose, I think, too clear to admit of doubt^ The laying out of roads, cutting canals, building fortifications,. erecting public buildings, and even establishing of towns, are •matters of public interest and utility, which frequently render it indispensable that private right should yield to public necessity, and that individual interest should sometimes be sacrifi.ced to the public good.

I am also of opinion, that as a general principle, the branch of the government in which such power is vested, must judge of the necessity of exercising it, and the extent to which it may be exercised; and in the exercise of which discretion^ it- cannot be controlled by any other-' branch. I do not know that it is necessary to inquire to what branch of the government the power belongs. But if it were necessary,, it does not appear to me that it would be a question of difficult solution. I have already said that it is an essential attribute of sovereignty. Wherever the sovereign power is lodged, that constitutes a part. In absolute monarchies, all power centres in the monarch; in mixed governments, it will depend upon the structure .of the constitution. In England, I take it, that it is vested in the king and parliament jointly. For although the parliament is said to be omnipotent; yet as the king has a negative upon the laws, the expression regards him as constituting an integral part of the parliament. In republics, the sovereign power is in the .people, but éxcept in pure democracies is exercised by their representatives. The American.states maybe called representative republics. In some of them, the executive constitutes a part of the legislative authority, as in England; in which case, this eminent domain is in these two branches of the government. In South Carolina, I think, it is lodged in the legislative body, which consists of a senate and house of representatives.

I do not consider the judiciary as possessing any part of it.. The judges are the ministers of the law. Their province is limited to the exposition of the law and of the constitution. The legislature therefore possesses all the power which the people j&emselves possess; where it is not restricted by theyonstitutipjt [197]*197Hnd where the power is not delegated to any other branch of 'department of the government. It is said, that the power exercised over the life and liberty of the citizen, is a part of the eminent domain, in which the judiciary participates, and therefore it may exercise a controlling power over the acts of the legislature. But 1 apprehend that this is a mistake. The judiciary cannot create an offence nor prescribe a punishment. It can only administer the law according to the constitution. An act of the legislature is never referred to the judiciary, to determine whether it is just or unjust, but whether it is constitutional. I am not aware of any case where the judiciary can declare a constitutional law void. If the legislature should declare that picking an apple from a neighbour’s orchard, or a cabbage from his garden, should be a capital felony, although sve might think it severe and cruel, we should be bound to obey.

The right of the court to'control the legislature, is derived from the constitution. It is indeed the constitution itself •which controls and not the court. Being the supreme or fundamental law, the legislature, as well as the judiciary, must conform to it. Whenevér, therefore, an act of the legislature-, comes in contact with the constitution, the latter must prevail. It is thus that the judges, as the organs of the constitution, declare an act of the legislature inoperative, because it clashes with the supreme law. I cannot conceive upon what grounds the judiciary can claim a supremacy over the legislature, as long as they confine themselves within the pale of the constitu- - tion. Thy people have consigned to each branch of the government its respective powers, and - the limits of its authority are to he found only in the constitution, and it would be an usurpation in either to invade the province of the other. .

But it is unnecessary to pursue this subject in the present; case, since we profess only to enquire what the legislature have done, and whether they have acted within the scope of their" constitutional power. The first depends upon the construction to he given to the act'of 1817. If we confine ourselves to the letter of .the law, it certainly will admit of the construction contended for on the part of the city council: but Lord Coke says, “ Qui hmret in litera, heeret in cortice.” It is taking a superficial view of m act; to adhere to its letter. We must [198]*198look to the spirit and design of the law. When we look through •the several acts of the legislature, the object is apparent. The first act on the subject authorized the council to take as much as should he necessary for the purpose cf widening the street and no more. This led to complaints on the part of the landholders, that they received compensation for the part which was taken off only, while the fragment which was left, was of no value to them. The next, required the council to take the whole, where the owner did1 not wish to retain the remaining; part. The provisions of the last act have been quoted.

Through the whole we observe a scrupulous regard to the rights of the individual and a manifest disposition to do him justice. The object contemplated, is the widening of the street, but the owner of the lot is to be indemnified. The City Council arc authorized to take what is sufficient for the purpose contemplated. They aro required to take the whole, if the owner requires it; but they are not authorized to arrest from him what is not necessary, against his will. The act authorizes them to take the “lot or lots fronting on such street, alley or lane,” &c. The word lot is of ambiguous import, and although when speaking in relation to town lots, we usually have reference to some particular portion or section of the town, yet we have no definite idea of any given quantity of land. The word lot is sometimes used in reference to an enclosure, without regard to the quantity of land embraced.

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16 S.C.L. 189, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/dunn-v-city-council-of-charleston-sc-1824.