Crudup v. Government of the District of Columbia

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedMarch 29, 2023
DocketCivil Action No. 2020-1135
StatusPublished

This text of Crudup v. Government of the District of Columbia (Crudup v. Government of the District of Columbia) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Crudup v. Government of the District of Columbia, (D.D.C. 2023).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

) DALONTA CRUDUP, et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) Civil Action No. 20-cv-1135 (TSC) ) DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, et al., ) ) Defendants. ) )

MEMORANDUM OPINION

Plaintiffs Dalonta Crudup, Dontrey Bell, David Burns, and Joevantae Ramsey bring this

case, individually and on behalf of all others similarly situated, against the District of Columbia

and District of Columbia Metropolitan Police Department (“MPD”) Officers Sherman Anderson,

Eddie Choi, Brandon Joseph, Christina Laury, Mark Minzak, Justin Rogers, Iatezaz Tariq,

Nelson Torres, and John Wright. Plaintiffs, who are all Black males, seek to hold the MPD

officers individually liable, and the District municipally liable, pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, for

violating Plaintiffs’ constitutional rights and for alleged injuries from the District’s so-called

“stop and frisk” policy of searching young Black males for guns, without reasonable suspicion or

probable cause. Defendants have moved to dismiss all claims. Defs. Mot. to Dismiss, ECF No.

22. For reasons set forth below, Defendants’ motion to dismiss will be DENIED.

I. BACKGROUND

Plaintiffs claim that MPD’s Gun Recovery Unit (GRU), tasked with recovery of illegal

firearms and apprehending individuals involved in gun related crime, unlawfully targets

predominately Black neighborhoods and young Black males specifically. See Am. Compl. ¶¶

Page 1 of 25 16–19, 23, 27–28, ECF No. 14. They claim that the District has “established practices and

procedures of several armed officers surrounding Black suspects without reasonable suspicion of

a crime” to “intimidate suspects into consenting to a search that otherwise lacks reasonable

suspicion for a stop.” Id. ¶¶ 20–21 (internal quotation marks omitted). Plaintiffs further accuse

the GRU of “fabricating the reasonable suspicion or probable cause” required to conduct a search

or seizure. Id. ¶ 22.

Plaintiffs claim the GRU consists of twenty to thirty officers, one or more detectives, and

three sergeants, who report to the Narcotics and Special Investigations Division (NSID), which

was headed by former MPD Chief Peter Newsham when he was Assistant Chief. Id. ¶¶ 5, 25–

26. Plaintiffs allege that GRU officers are “highly aggressive” and forceful in their policing

approach and are “deployed in a manner calculated to convey force and authority well beyond

that of an ordinary officer deployed in uniform.” Id. ¶¶ 33–34. GRU deploys “with numerosity

of force,” they wear “tactical gear” instead of a “standard uniform,” their “[w]eapons are on

display” when they engage with civilians, and they use “jump outs” to convey force. Id. ¶¶ 35–

38. The GRU banner and flag displays an image of skull and crossbones with a “bullet hole

quite literally, dead-center in the forehead of the skull, with two handguns and two handcuffs on

either side above the head,” and a ribbon that says, “VEST UP ONE IN THE CHAMBER.” Id.

¶¶ 41–48. These images depict the GRU’s intentionally cultivated image, designed to “inflict

terror on low-income communities of color,” especially Black communities. Id. ¶ 50. The GRU

officers “celebrate their abusive authority over young [B]lack men,” as depicted by a MPD

officer t-shirt that says, in part, “Let me see that waistband jo” and has a Sun Cross, “a racist hate

symbol.” Id. ¶¶ 63–69.

Page 2 of 25 Plaintiffs allege that “[a]s a matter of policy and practice, the GRU does not require its

officers to possess reasonable articulable suspicion in order to approach and engage civilians,”

and the policy is so “overt that it has been repeatedly acknowledged by District of Columbia

Courts.” Id. ¶¶ 53–58 (citing United States v. Gross, 784 F.3d 784, 789 (D.C. Cir. 2015) (J.

Brown concurring); Robinson v. United States, 76 A.3d 329 (D.C. 2013)). To the extent that

officers bother to “formulate a request for a search in words nominally providing cover as a

consensual request,” suspects have “little choice” but to comply. Am. Compl. ¶¶ 62, 70.

Refusing an officer can lead to “dangerous or forceful consequences,” and ultimately the GRU

“will compel the search anyways justifying the compelled search based on natural reactions to

the aggressive officer approach or based on fabrications.” Id. ¶¶ 73–74.

Plaintiffs claim that in testimony before the D.C. Council on January 16, 2020, MPD

Sergeant Charlotte Djossou confirmed MPD’s policy, practice, or custom of racially targeting

Black men. Id. ¶¶ 82, 84. Sergeant Djossou testified that she reported NSID’s “illegal tactics” to

her supervisors—including that officers were “violating 4th Amendment rights”—and was met

with retaliation. Id. ¶ 85. In June 2018, she escalated her complaints to then Assistant Chief

Robert Contee, who also retaliated against her. Id. ¶ 86.

Plaintiffs further claim that a June 13, 2018 GRU operation in the Deanwood

neighborhood is an “illustrative example” of the GRU’s “modus operandi of stop and frisk.” Id.

¶ 88. They contend that on that day, the GRU “staged a fake search and find operation” on a

group of Black men who were sitting outside a barbershop. Id. ¶¶ 89, 91. GRU officers

searched a man “who was ostensibly a member of the group but was in fact a plant . . . so they

could find a gun and thus manufacture reasonable suspicion to search the other men.” Id. ¶ 91.

Page 3 of 25 Plaintiffs allege that despite the fact that from 2013 to 2017 forty-seven percent of D.C.’s

population was Black, Black individuals made up eighty-six percent of total arrestees, seventy-

eight percent of arrestees for driving without a permit, were arrested at ten times the rate of

White individuals, and disproportionately arrested in over ninety percent of census tracts. Id. ¶¶

120–22. Plaintiffs encountered difficulty ascertaining stop and frisk data because “MPD has

sought to avoid disclosure even of basic statistics” regarding its stop and frisk practices, but “[a]s

additional data has been produced from the Neighborhood Engagement Achieves Results

(“NEAR”) Act of 2016, the racial disparity is clear.” Id. ¶¶ 95, 123. Plaintiffs contend that the

NEAR Act requires MPD to “collect detailed and comprehensive data about stops and frisks the

police carry out on the streets of the District,” including fourteen categories of data for every

stop. Id. ¶¶ 96–98. And they allege that to the extent NEAR Act data is available, it confirms

“extraordinary racial disparities in the MPD’s stop and frisk practices,” id. ¶ 110:

• From July 22, 2019 to August 18, 2019, ninety-three percent of frisks and eighty-seven percent of non-ticket (i.e., non-traffic) stops were conducted on Black individuals. Id. ¶¶ 113–14.

• From July 22, 2019 to December 31, 2019, two White individuals were stopped and frisked daily compared to forty-five Black individuals. However, police discovered a gun in two percent of searches, and the gun recovery rate was the same regardless of whether the individual being searched was Black or White. Id. ¶ 123.

• From August 1, 2019 to January 31, 2020, eighty-eight percent of documentable stops and ninety-four percent of documentable searches were of Black individuals. Id. ¶ 115.

Plaintiffs also claim that television station WUSA9 and the American Civil Liberties Union have

conducted their own analysis of NEAR Act data and/or body worn camera footage and “found

Free access — add to your briefcase to read the full text and ask questions with AI

Related

Yick Wo v. Hopkins
118 U.S. 356 (Supreme Court, 1886)
Bolling v. Sharpe
347 U.S. 497 (Supreme Court, 1954)
Gomillion v. Lightfoot
364 U.S. 339 (Supreme Court, 1960)
Katz v. United States
389 U.S. 347 (Supreme Court, 1967)
Terry v. Ohio
392 U.S. 1 (Supreme Court, 1968)
Gerstein v. Pugh
420 U.S. 103 (Supreme Court, 1975)
Washington v. Davis
426 U.S. 229 (Supreme Court, 1976)
Monell v. New York City Dept. of Social Servs.
436 U.S. 658 (Supreme Court, 1978)
Brown v. Texas
443 U.S. 47 (Supreme Court, 1979)
Ybarra v. Illinois
444 U.S. 85 (Supreme Court, 1980)
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, Inc.
473 U.S. 432 (Supreme Court, 1985)
Wyatt v. Cole
504 U.S. 158 (Supreme Court, 1992)
United States v. Armstrong
517 U.S. 456 (Supreme Court, 1996)
Illinois v. Wardlow
528 U.S. 119 (Supreme Court, 2000)
Brosseau v. Haugen
543 U.S. 194 (Supreme Court, 2004)
Bell Atlantic Corp. v. Twombly
550 U.S. 544 (Supreme Court, 2007)
Ashcroft v. Iqbal
556 U.S. 662 (Supreme Court, 2009)
Marshall v. Columbia Lea Regional Hospital
345 F.3d 1157 (Tenth Circuit, 2003)

Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
Crudup v. Government of the District of Columbia, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/crudup-v-government-of-the-district-of-columbia-dcd-2023.