Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land for National Defense

CourtDepartment of Justice Office of Legal Counsel
DecidedJuly 12, 1956
StatusPublished

This text of Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land for National Defense (Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land for National Defense) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

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Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land for National Defense, (olc 1956).

Opinion

Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land for National Defense Pursuant to his constitutional powers as Commander in Chief, the President, particularly in time of war or national emergency, may have authority without the authorization of Congress to reserve and use public lands for the training and deployment of the armed forces of the United States for national defense purposes. If the above is true, any attempted restriction of this authority by Congress would be an unconstitution- al invasion of the President’s authority as Commander in Chief.

July 12, 1956

MEMORANDUM OPINION FOR THE DEPUTY ATTORNEY GENERAL

This is in reply to your memorandum dated April 18, 1956, requesting my comments on H.R. 10,362, H.R. 10,366, H.R. 10,367, H.R. 10,371, H.R. 10,372, H.R. 10,377, H.R. 10,380, H.R. 10,384, H.R. 10,394, and H.R. 10,396 (all pending in the 84th Congress). The stated purpose of the bills is “[t]o provide that with- drawals or reservations of more than five thousand acres of public lands of the United States for certain [defense purposes] shall not become effective until approved by Act of Congress.” Sections 1 and 2 of H.R. 10,366, 10,367, 10,372, 10,377, 10,394 and 10,396 provide that on and after the enactment of the bill, notwithstanding any other provisions of law, no public land, water, or land and water area of the United States, including public lands in the Territory of Alaska, shall be (1) withdrawn from settlement, location, sale, or entry, in order that it may be used for defense purposes, or (2) reserved for such purposes, except by Act of Congress. Sections 1 and 2 of H.R. 10,362, 10,371, 10,380 and 10,384 differ from the aforementioned bills in that these latter bills provide that the provisions of the Act will not apply in time of war or in a national emergency declared by the President or by act of Congress. Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of the United States Constitution provides that “[t]he Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States.” However, from an early period in the history of the federal government, the President, without special authorization from Congress, has withdrawn public lands from private settlement and acquisition even though Congress had opened them to such occupancy. In the case of Grisar v. McDowell, 73 U.S. (6 Wall.) 363, 381 (1867), which involved the reservation of public lands for military purposes, the Supreme Court of the United States noted that the authority of the President to reserve public lands from sale and set them apart for public uses had been recognized in numerous acts of Congress. The effect of H.R. 10,362 and the other captioned bills would be to restrict the President’s authority to withdraw, for defense purposes, public lands or waters, in

163 Supplemental Opinions of the Office of Legal Counsel in Volume 1

excess of five thousand acres, from private settlement, location, sale or entry. A question is presented whether such a restriction can be placed on the President by act of Congress. In the case of United States v. Midwest Oil Co., 236 U.S. 459 (1915), the Sup- reme Court passed on the question whether the President could constitutionally exercise regulatory power over the public domain. In the Midwest Oil case the Congress had opened the public lands containing petroleum to occupation, exploration and purchase by citizens of the United States. Id. at 465. In 1909 it was discovered that large areas of that public lands in California contained oil, and extensive exploitation was undertaken by private parties. This exploitation was so rapid that the Secretary of the Interior advised the President that unless public lands containing petroleum were withdrawn from entry, settlement, and exploita- tion, the United States Navy would be forced to buy its oil from private parties exploiting former federal public lands. In the light of these facts, the President, without the express authorization of Congress, withdrew “in aid of proposed legislation” large areas of the public domain in California and Wyoming. Id. at 467. This authority was properly challenged in the courts. In passing on the matter, the Supreme Court noted that, though the Constitution gave Congress the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the public lands, nevertheless, former presidents, without special autho- rization from Congress, had in a large number of cases, for a public use or pur- pose, withdrawn public lands from occupation and settlement by private parties. The Court further noted that this long-continued practice had never been repudiat- ed by Congress; rather Congress had apparently recognized that the Executive was in an advantageous position to protect the public domain for public purposes and uses. The Court held that, while the Executive cannot by a course of action create a power, Congress by its long and continuous acquiescence in the exercise by the President of management over the public domain had given the President the implied power as Chief Executive to exercise administrative power over the public domain. Therefore, the Court held that, for a public use or purpose, the President had the power to withdraw the public lands in question from private settlement or occupation even though Congress may have previously opened the lands for such use. Cf. Sioux Tribe v. United States, 316 U.S. 317 (1942). The Supreme Court has also indicated in both the Midwest Oil case and Sioux Tribe case that, since Congress had the constitutional power to regulate the use of public lands, it could by express action limit or revoke this implied delegation of power to the President. And in fact, in the situation involved in the Midwest Oil case, Congress subsequently did curtail somewhat the President’s administrative powers over the public lands in question. See Pub. L. No. 61-303, 36 Stat. 847 (1910); Withdrawal of Public Lands, 40 Op. Att’y Gen. 73 (1941). In arguing the Midwest Oil case, one of the contentions of the government was that the President, as Commander in Chief, had the power to issue the order in question for the purpose of retaining and preserving a source of supply of fuel for

164 Constitutionality of Pending Bills Restricting the Withdrawal of Public Land

the Navy. The Supreme Court, however, decided the case in favor of the federal government on different grounds. As pointed out above, H.R. 10,362 and the other captioned bills would restrict the President’s authority to use public lands for defense purposes. It is my opinion that the bills, especially those that do not contain a national emergency or war exception, present a serious constitutional question which the courts have never passed on in regard to the President’s powers as Commander in Chief. It is clear that the President’s powers as Commander in Chief cannot be intrud- ed upon by Congress, just as the war powers of Congress cannot be intruded upon by the President. Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S. (4 Wall.) 2, 139 (1866). However, the nature and extent of the President’s constitutional war powers are not clearly defined or specified in the Constitution. Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the Constitution simply provides:

The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States . . . .

Clearly, the President is Commander in Chief both in time of peace and war.

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