City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co.

CourtDistrict Court, E.D. California
DecidedAugust 22, 2019
Docket2:18-cv-00416
StatusUnknown

This text of City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co. (City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, E.D. California primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co., (E.D. Cal. 2019).

Opinion

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 9 FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 10 11 CITY OF SACRAMENTO, No. 2:18-cv-00416-KJM-GGH 12 Plaintiff, 13 v. ORDER 14 WELLS FARGO & CO.; WELLS FARGO BANK, N.A., 15 Defendants. 16

17 18 The City of Sacramento (“the City”) sues Wells Fargo & Co. and Wells Fargo Bank, 19 N.A. (collectively “Wells Fargo”), alleging Wells Fargo has for more than a decade engaged in a 20 pattern or practice of discriminatory mortgage lending in violation of the federal Fair Housing Act 21 and California’s Fair Employment and Housing Act. For the following reasons, the court GRANTS 22 in part and DENIES in part Wells Fargo’s motion to dismiss. 23 I. BACKGROUND 24 Against the backdrop of “[m]ajor banks[’] . . . long history of engaging in redlining 25 throughout Sacramento[,]” the City alleges that since at least 2004, Wells Fargo has maintained a 26 pattern and practice of discriminatory lending in Sacramento that constitutes redlining and reverse 27 redlining. Compl., ECF No. 1, ¶¶ 9−11 (footnotes omitted). While “[r]edlining is the practice of 28 denying credit to particular neighborhoods based on race,” reverse redlining involves “steering 1 minority borrowers . . . into higher cost or more onerous mortgage loans with discriminatory terms 2 when more favorable and less expensive loans were being offered to similarly situated non-minority 3 borrowers.” Id. ¶¶ 9, 10 n.5, 11. Further, although Wells Fargo extends credit to white borrowers 4 seeking to refinance, it has a policy of refusing to extend such credit to minority borrowers 5 attempting to refinance their more expensive loans. Id. ¶ 5. The City alleges Wells Fargo’s conduct 6 amounts to both intentional discrimination and disparate impact discrimination, and that both 7 redlining and reverse redlining violate the Fair Housing Act, 42 U.S.C. §§ 3601, et seq., (“FHA”). 8 Id. ¶¶ 8, 11; see 42 U.S.C. §§ 3604(b),1 3605(a).2 9 The City identifies multiple nationwide, facially neutral Wells Fargo business 10 practices and policies and omissions that allegedly created artificial, arbitrary and unnecessary 11 barriers to fair housing opportunities for minority purchasers and owners. Compl. ¶¶ 47−48, 60. 12 The City provides accounts from “Confidential Witnesses,” former Wells Fargo employees 13 responsible for making or underwriting Wells Fargo loans in Sacramento, to bolster its allegations 14 regarding Wells Fargo’s discriminatory policies and practices. Id. ¶ 34. According to these 15 witnesses, Wells Fargo loan officers “intentionally steered minority borrowers into higher cost 16 loans because of their race or ethnicity,” and “used race as a factor in determining which loan 17 products to offer borrowers, what interest rates to charge, and whether to use certain devices and 18 options such as ‘lender credits.’” Id. ¶¶ 35, 36. According to one witness, for example, a Wells 19 Fargo sales manager instructed loan officers to provide prospective borrowers with different sales 20 1 Under the FHA, it is unlawful “[t]o discriminate against any person in the terms, conditions, or 21 privileges of sale or rental of a dwelling, or in the provision of services or facilities in connection 22 therewith, because of race, color, religion, sex, familial status, or national origin.” 42 U.S.C. § 3604(b). 23 2 Under 42 U.S.C. § 3605(a), 24 It shall be unlawful for any person or other entity whose business 25 includes engaging in residential real estate-related transactions to discriminate against any person in making available such a 26 transaction, or in the terms or conditions of such a transaction, because of race, color, religion, sex, handicap, familial status, or 27 national origin. 28 1 pitches depending on the neighborhood where the home was located. Id. ¶ 37. That same manager 2 instructed officers meeting with borrowers in minority neighborhoods to offer lender credits that 3 would increase the cost of a loan but “make the loan go through,” without requiring officers to 4 explain the added expense of the credits to the borrowers. Id. ¶¶ 38, 51. Another witness claims 5 his branch manager and loan officers made comments “consistent with racial profiling,” and, “if a 6 borrower had a Mexican name, loan officers were likely to exercise their discretion to charge a 7 higher rate and issue a more expensive loan to make up for a discount given to non-minority 8 borrowers.” Id. ¶ 40; see id. ¶¶ 47.a., 53 (alleging officers were pressured to use their discretion in 9 ways that resulted in discriminatory loans). A third witness contends that although Wells Fargo 10 provided marketing materials in Spanish to target Spanish-speaking borrowers, it did not provide 11 mortgage disclosures in Spanish, “even when [the borrower] did not read and write in English and 12 the transaction was handled in Spanish.” Id. ¶ 43. Because of a shortage of Spanish-speaking 13 employees, Spanish-speaking borrowers were “served by non-Spanish-speaking loan officers 14 ‘more often than not’” and entered into loans they did not understand. Id. ¶¶ 42, 45−46. 15 The City alleges its statistical analysis of Wells Fargo loan data, which controls for 16 borrowers’ credit history and other factors, bears out its allegations. Id. ¶¶ 16, 80−81. The City’s 17 analysis of loan data from 2004 through 2016 indicates an African American borrower in 18 Sacramento was 2.043 times more likely to receive high cost or high-risk loans than a similarly 19 situated white borrower. Id. ¶ 81. An African American borrower in Sacramento with a FICO 20 score3 over 6604 was 2.820 times more likely than a comparable white borrower to receive a costly 21 or risky loan. Id. ¶ 82. The City’s analysis of loans issued to Latino borrowers reveals similar 22 trends: a Latino borrower in Sacramento was 1.444 times more likely than a comparable white 23

24 3 Although not defined in the complaint, “FICO” refers to Fair Isaac Corporation and “FICO score” refers to “credit scores that characterize[] consumer financial creditworthiness. . . . 25 composed of aggregated credit data, provided by a credit bureau, and a credit-scoring algorithm 26 provided by FICO.” Fair Isaac Corp. v. Experian Info. Sols., Inc., 650 F.3d 1139, 1143 (8th Cir. 2011). 27 4 According to the complaint, a FICO score exceeding 660 “indicat[es] good credit.” Compl. 28 ¶ 90. 1 borrower to receive a high risk or high cost loan, and 1.767 times more likely than a comparable 2 white borrower to receive such a loan despite having a 660+ FICO. Id. ¶¶ 81−82. Of Wells Fargo’s 3 loans to African American and Latino borrowers throughout this period, 7.2 percent were high cost 4 loans. Id. ¶ 83. Only 3.8 percent of loans to white borrowers were high cost. Id. When the racial 5 makeup of a borrower’s neighborhood rather than the borrower’s race is analyzed, borrowers in 6 predominantly minority Sacramento neighborhoods were more likely to receive high risk and high 7 cost loans than borrowers in predominantly white neighborhoods; specifically, borrowers in an area 8 with at least 50 percent African American or Latino households were 1.758 times more likely to 9 receive a discriminatory loan than those residing in non-minority areas. Id. ¶ 82. 10 The City also contends Wells Fargo’s discriminatory lending practices directly 11 cause foreclosures.

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Bluebook (online)
City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co., Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/city-of-sacramento-v-wells-fargo-co-caed-2019.