City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co.

District Court, E.D. California·Decided August 22, 2019·No. 2:18-cv-00416·Unknown

Opinion

CITY OF SACRAMENTO, No. 2:18-cv-00416-KJM-GGH Plaintiff, v. ORDER WELLS FARGO & CO.; WELLS FARGO BANK, N.A., Defendants.

The City of Sacramento (“the City”) sues Wells Fargo & Co. and Wells Fargo Bank, N.A. (collectively “Wells Fargo”), alleging Wells Fargo has for more than a decade engaged in a pattern or practice of discriminatory mortgage lending in violation of the federal Fair Housing Act and California’s Fair Employment and Housing Act. For the following reasons, the court GRANTS in part and DENIES in part Wells Fargo’s motion to dismiss. Against the backdrop of “[m]ajor banks[’] . . . long history of engaging in redlining throughout Sacramento[,]” the City alleges that since at least 2004, Wells Fargo has maintained a pattern and practice of discriminatory lending in Sacramento that constitutes redlining and reverse redlining. Compl., ECF No. 1, ¶¶ 9−11 (footnotes omitted). While “[r]edlining is the practice of denying credit to particular neighborhoods based on race,” reverse redlining involves “steering minority borrowers . . . into higher cost or more onerous mortgage loans with discriminatory terms when more favorable and less expensive loans were being offered to similarly situated non-minority borrowers.” Id. ¶¶ 9, 10 n.5, 11. Further, although Wells Fargo extends credit to white borrowers seeking to refinance, it has a policy of refusing to extend such credit to minority borrowers attempting to refinance their more expensive loans. Id. ¶ 5. The City alleges Wells Fargo’s conduct amounts to both intentional discrimination and disparate impact discrimination, and that both redlining and reverse redlining violate the Fair Housing Act, 42 U.S.C. §§ 3601, et seq., (“FHA”). Id. ¶¶ 8, 11; see 42 U.S.C. §§ 3604(b),1 3605(a).2 The City identifies multiple nationwide, facially neutral Wells Fargo business practices and policies and omissions that allegedly created artificial, arbitrary and unnecessary barriers to fair housing opportunities for minority purchasers and owners. Compl. ¶¶ 47−48, 60. The City provides accounts from “Confidential Witnesses,” former Wells Fargo employees responsible for making or underwriting Wells Fargo loans in Sacramento, to bolster its allegations regarding Wells Fargo’s discriminatory policies and practices. Id. ¶ 34. According to these witnesses, Wells Fargo loan officers “intentionally steered minority borrowers into higher cost loans because of their race or ethnicity,” and “used race as a factor in determining which loan products to offer borrowers, what interest rates to charge, and whether to use certain devices and options such as ‘lender credits.’” Id. ¶¶ 35, 36. According to one witness, for example, a Wells Fargo sales manager instructed loan officers to provide prospective borrowers with different sales 1 Under the FHA, it is unlawful “[t]o discriminate against any person in the terms, conditions, or privileges of sale or rental of a dwelling, or in the provision of services or facilities in connection therewith, because of race, color, religion, sex, familial status, or national origin.” 42 U.S.C. § 3604(b). 2 Under 42 U.S.C. § 3605(a), It shall be unlawful for any person or other entity whose business includes engaging in residential real estate-related transactions to discriminate against any person in making available such a transaction, or in the terms or conditions of such a transaction, because of race, color, religion, sex, handicap, familial status, or national origin. pitches depending on the neighborhood where the home was located. Id. ¶ 37. That same manager instructed officers meeting with borrowers in minority neighborhoods to offer lender credits that would increase the cost of a loan but “make the loan go through,” without requiring officers to explain the added expense of the credits to the borrowers. Id. ¶¶ 38, 51. Another witness claims his branch manager and loan officers made comments “consistent with racial profiling,” and, “if a borrower had a Mexican name, loan officers were likely to exercise their discretion to charge a higher rate and issue a more expensive loan to make up for a discount given to non-minority borrowers.” Id. ¶ 40; see id. ¶¶ 47.a., 53 (alleging officers were pressured to use their discretion in ways that resulted in discriminatory loans). A third witness contends that although Wells Fargo provided marketing materials in Spanish to target Spanish-speaking borrowers, it did not provide mortgage disclosures in Spanish, “even when [the borrower] did not read and write in English and the transaction was handled in Spanish.” Id. ¶ 43. Because of a shortage of Spanish-speaking employees, Spanish-speaking borrowers were “served by non-Spanish-speaking loan officers ‘more often than not’” and entered into loans they did not understand. Id. ¶¶ 42, 45−46. The City alleges its statistical analysis of Wells Fargo loan data, which controls for borrowers’ credit history and other factors, bears out its allegations. Id. ¶¶ 16, 80−81. The City’s analysis of loan data from 2004 through 2016 indicates an African American borrower in Sacramento was 2.043 times more likely to receive high cost or high-risk loans than a similarly situated white borrower. Id. ¶ 81. An African American borrower in Sacramento with a FICO score3 over 6604 was 2.820 times more likely than a comparable white borrower to receive a costly or risky loan. Id. ¶ 82. The City’s analysis of loans issued to Latino borrowers reveals similar trends: a Latino borrower in Sacramento was 1.444 times more likely than a comparable white

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City of Sacramento v. Wells Fargo & Co., (E.D. Cal. 2019).

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