Campaign Legal Center v. Federal Election Commission

District Court, District of Columbia·Decided December 8, 2022·No. Civil Action No. 2022-1976·Published

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER,

Plaintiff, v. Civil Action No. 22-1976 (JEB)

FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION,

Defendant.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

It is a lot easier to follow the money when you have a paper trail. The Federal Election

Campaign Act therefore requires political campaigns to provide appropriate disclosures when

they make operational expenditures. In July 2020, Plaintiff Campaign Legal Center filed a

complaint with Defendant Federal Election Commission alleging that former President Donald J.

Trump’s campaign deliberately skirted that requirement. After reviewing CLC’s complaint,

however, the six-member Commission deadlocked 3-3 on the question of whether there was

reason to believe that a FECA violation had occurred. Without a majority willing to proceed

with an investigation, the complaint was dismissed.

Plaintiff filed this suit seeking judicial review of that dismissal. Defendant, however,

retorts that the dismissal is unreviewable. It notes that the three Commissioners who voted

against finding reason to believe invoked, among other rationales, their prosecutorial discretion.

The Commission contends that under Circuit and Supreme Court precedent, that invocation

places the dismissal of CLC’s complaint outside the reach of judicial review. The Court agrees

and will therefore grant Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss.

1 I. Background

A. Factual and Legal Background

The Federal Election Campaign Act provides that when a political committee spends

money on campaign operations, it must disclose where that money is going and for what. After

all, “disclosure . . . ‘as to where political campaign money comes from and how it is spent by the

candidate’ . . . aid[s] the voters in evaluating those who seek federal office.” Buckley v. Valeo,

424 U.S. 1, 66–67 (1976). Section 30104 of FECA therefore requires each “political committee”

to “file reports of receipts and disbursements” with the Commission that identify “each person to

whom an [operating] expenditure . . . in excess of $200” was made as well as the “date, amount,

and purpose” of the expenditure. See 52 U.S.C. § 30104(a)(1), (b)(5)–(6); see also 11 C.F.R.

§ 104.3(b) (regulations mirroring statute).

As with any rule, though, § 30104 has loopholes. Imagine, for example, that a political

committee made large, lump-sum payments to a primary vendor, which then made a bunch of

operational disbursements to subvendors. While the initial payment would be subject to

§ 30104, the secondary ones would not. As a result, if the campaign effectively controlled the

primary vendor, it could largely avoid making § 30104 disclosures by reporting only the initial

payment to that vendor and then directing the vendor to make secret disbursements to

subvendors on the campaign’s behalf. To close that loophole (or to at least narrow it),

Commission precedent provides that “merely reporting the immediate recipient of a committee’s

payment will not satisfy the requirements of [§ 30104] when the facts indicate that the immediate

recipient is merely a conduit for the intended recipient of the funds.” ECF No. 13-1 (Controlling

Comm’rs Statement of Reasons) at 5 (formatting altered).

2 In late July 2020, CLC, a campaign-finance watchdog, filed an administrative complaint

with the FEC alleging that former President Trump’s campaign committee (Donald J. Trump for

President, Inc.) and one of his joint fundraising committees (Trump Make America Great Again

Committee) had violated § 30104’s disclosure requirements by improperly exploiting exactly

that loophole. See ECF No. 1 (Compl.), ¶¶ 1–2, 29. According to CLC, the Committees

channeled over three quarters of a billion dollars in payments to subvendors and staff through

two LLCs — American Made Media Consultants (AMMC) and Parscale Strategy — without

disclosing the ultimate payees or purposes of the payments to the Commission. Id., ¶¶ 29–30.

The Committees did so “even though [AMMC and Parscale] both (1) did not have arm’s-length

relationships with the Committees and (2) were used by the Committees as conduits for

disbursements to subvendors that were effectively working directly for the Committees.” Id.,

¶ 31. CLC included with its FEC complaint evidence of the degree to which AMMC and

Parscale were entwined with the Trump Campaign.

In sum, CLC submitted to the FEC that by using two companies that were essentially

extensions of the Trump Campaign, the Campaign made hundreds of millions of dollars in

payments to unidentified payees for undisclosed purposes in violation of FECA.

B. FEC Procedural History

The Commission may initiate an investigation into an alleged violation if it “determines,

by an affirmative vote of 4 of its members, that it has reason to believe that a person has

committed . . . a violation of” FECA. See 52 U.S.C. § 30109(a)(2) (emphasis added). Before the

Commission voted on that question here, its Office of General Counsel took a first pass at CLC’s

complaint and agreed that something untoward might have been afoot. See Compl., ¶ 54.

Relying on Commission precedent and on the submitted record, OGC recommended that the

3 Commission find reason to believe that the Committees had violated § 30104(b) by failing to

properly report the ultimate recipients and purposes of payments made to AMMC and Parscale

Strategy. Id. But an OGC recommendation is just that, and when the recommendation made its

way to the Commission, the tides turned.

On May 10, 2022, in what turned out to be a busy day for the Commission, the six

Commissioners held four sequential votes. The Court will briefly describe each one here, and

then it will return in its analysis to the question of which votes were legally relevant for judicial-

review purposes. First, the Commission deadlocked 3-3 on whether to approve OGC’s

recommendation and find reason to believe that the Trump Committees had violated § 30104 in

the various ways alleged by CLC. Id., ¶ 59. Commissioners Broussard, Walther, and Weintraub

voted affirmatively — that is, they voted to find reason to believe — while Chairman Dickerson

and Commissioners Cooksey and Trainor voted against. See ECF No. 15-2 (Certification) at 2.

Without the four necessary votes, the complaint could not proceed. The Commission then held a

second vote, this time on whether to dismiss the allegations as an exercise of prosecutorial

discretion “pursuant to Heckler v. Chaney.” Id. The Commission deadlocked once more, with

the Commissioners who had found reason to believe voting against dismissal and the rest voting

in favor. Id. In their third vote of the day (and their second reason-to-believe vote), the

Commission deadlocked once more, this time on a subset of the allegations they had voted on

earlier. Finally, the Commissioners decided 4-2 (their fourth vote) to close the file and so

dismiss the case. Id. at 3. Commissioners Walther and Weintraub dissented from that dismissal.

A month later, the three Commissioners who had voted against finding reason to believe

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