The opinion was delivered at March term 1855.
Shaw, C. J.
This cause has been very elaborately, and, we may add, ably and ingeniously argued, and the court have been gratified and greatly aided and enlightened by the argument. Yet we cannot avoid feeling a great anxiety respecting the result, principally on the ground that the questions are to a great extent new in this commonwealth, and that the decision may deeply affect important rights, not only of these parties, but of others, as a precedent, in matters of vital importance to the best interests of a civil and religious community. Our difficulty does not arise from want of great learning and research, and a citation of numerous cases. Our perplexity rather arises from the great abundance of cases which have been decided in Great Britain, and in the other states, having analogies more or less direct to the subject. They are numerous, and indicate an amount and scope of legal learning and judicial discrimination which require much time and study to enable us to understand all their bearings. But, considering to what an extent the ecclesiastical institutions of Massachusetts have been modified by law and long established usage, we fear that we cannot, in a case like this, adopt the judicial decisions of England and other states, or the reasons and principles on which they are founded, with the confidence with which we are glad to repose on them in most other cases drawn into controversy in our courts.
The great subject of inquiry is, what were the purposes and intentions of those persons who founded and provided a place for public worship in Long Lane, in 1730-35; what were their acts and doings; how were such acts affected by the law of the land as it then stood; and what were the relative rights and duties of the grantees named, of the other members of the body associated to provide a place of public worship, and of other persons, in the lot of land then conveyed as the site of a meeting-house.
[34] The law, as it existed at that time in the State generally, and in the town of Boston in particular, must be resorted to, to ascertain the character and legal effect of the transaction. Whatever may have in fact been the tone of public sentiment in the earliest times of the colony, in regard to religious liberties and privileges, it is. believed that the legislation, especially in the celebrated “ Body of Liberties ” set forth in 1641, was somewhat in advance of public sentiment on this subject. Indeed, whatever spirit may have dictated the severe laws against the Quakers, Anabaptists and othei-s, those laws do not profess to be levelled against the articles of faith of those obnoxious sects, but against disorderly acts and practices tending to an interruption of the peace and order of the colony. The charge against the Quakers was not alone for speaking and writing blasphemous opinions, but as a sect despising government and the order of God in church and commonwealth.
But whatever may have been the prevalent sentiments or laws of the earlier settlers of the colony, which may be rather matter of curious speculation than of present practical importance, we have no doubt, that in 1730, nearly a century after the settlement, and nearly forty years after the adoption of the Province Charter, a great change had taken place, and a practical toleration, if not established before, was in full operation. Indeed, it was but a few years after this, in 1757, that an act was passed, conferring on the Quakers and Anabaptists, before denounced, the special privilege of being exempted from taxation for supporting ministers and building meeting-houses. Anc. Chart. 782. And this act is introduced by a preamble, reciting that several acts previously granting the same exemption to these sects, had expired. From this we derive the conclusion that they bad been so exempted for a considerable time previous.
We are aware of no law, which at that time (1735) prohibited the profession of any mode of Christian faith, or any form of Christian worship, conducted honestly and soberly ; but, on the contrary, several religious societies, of different denominations, had then been formed, and so far as the profession and inculcation ff doctrine was concerned, the principle was substantially [35] adopted, which was afterwards embodied in the constitution by the third article of the Declaration of Rights.
But, in modern times, the provision of a place and other means of public worship, according to Protestant ideas, implies the assembling of a body of persons together, for the general services of public worship, and for religious instruction; and as connected therewith, a select body, formed and connected together by covenant, who constitute a church in full communion, invested, among other things, with the especial duty and privilege of administering the Christian ordinances. Assuming that such was the purpose of those, who associated to build a meeting-house in Long Lane, it is proper now to consider how the law stood in 1730 in regard to parochial as well as ecclesiastical relations, in order to understand the rights, duties and powers of parishes and religious societies, in the Province of Massachusetts.
From the earliest settlement of the colony, the territory, as fast as it was granted out to actual settlers, was divided into territorial parishes, and each parish was a corporation. In many cases, towns constituted parishes ; that is, each town was a corporation, combining all the powers and functions both of a parochial and of a municipal corporation, and, under one organization, provided for the erection of meeting-houses, the support of public worship, and incidental expenses. Large towns were sometimes divided into two or more territorial parishes, in which case, each parish was a corporation, with its proper organization and officers. It was made the duty of these corporations, as a civil obligation to be enforced by law, to provide for the maintenance of public worship, and the support of suitable ministers and religious teachers. One of the earliest of the provincial statutes imposed this duty upon towns, manifestly understanding that in that statute the term “ town ” is used as synonymous with “ parish,” because, in the great majority of cases at that early period, towns were parishes. St. 4 W. & M. (1692,1 Anc. Chart. 243. At the succeeding session, an act was passed, partly repealing and partly amending and explaining this act. It quotes a passage as contained in it, which I do net &zd in the [36] act as published, to this effect, “that every minister, being a person of good conversation, able, learned and orthodox, that shall be chosen by the major part of the inhabitants in any town, at a town meeting, duly warned, shall be the minister of such town, and the whole town shall be obliged to pay towards his settlement and maintenance, each man his several proportion thereof.” The statute containing this recital then proceeds, upon further consideration of this section, and the impracticableness of this method for the choice of a minister in divers towns, where there are more churches than one, to repeal the foregoing section in said act, confirming the other parts of the act; and then provides that each respective gathered church in any town or place within the province, that shall at any time be in want of a minister, shall have power, according to the word of God, to choose their own minister; and the major part of such inhabitants as do usually attend on the public worship of God, and are by law duly qualified to vote in town affairs, concurring with the church, the person thus elected and approved, shall be the minister and all the inhabitants and ratable estates lying within such town or part of a town, or place limited, (territorial parish,) shall be obliged to pay in proportion. Anc. Chart. 254, 255. There is a proviso annexed to this section which I shall have occasion to refer to hereafter, and therefore will cite it here: “ Provided, that nothing herein contained is intended, or shall be construed to extend, to abridge the inhabitants of Boston of their accustomed way and practice as to the choice and maintenance of their ministers.”
It will be perceived by the above act, that when a town constituted a parish, or part of a town constituted a territorial parish, the minister was to be elected by the concurrent act of the church and of the inhabitants ; to this a slight modification was made, a year or two after, providing for the case when the congregation would not concur with the church in their choice. St. 7 W. 3, Anc. Chart. 286.
From this view, it will appear, that from a period immediately after the adoption of the Province Charter in 1692, if not earlier, the people composing a parish and religious society, [37] though bound as a civil duty to support public worship and provide for religious instruction in some form, yet were under no restraint as to what denomination they would assume, what modes of Christian faith they would embrace and inculcate, or what form of protestant worship they would adopt and follow. There was not only a full toleration by the law in this respect, but all protestant denominations were placed on an equal footing, in regard to the rights of conscience and property, in religious concerns.
We must now consider what were the legal rights of property in church edifices, the lands on which they stood, and lands incident to and connected therewith, including a house for the minister. So long as towns remained of moderate and convenient size, and acted in the double capacity of town and parish, or where a large town was divided into two or more territorial parishes, (which was the condition of the whole state except Boston,) the rights of property were plain. The legal seizin of the entire realty was in the corporation. A town or parish was a corporation, capable of taking and holding real estate, and there was no difficulty therefore in saying that the fee of the land was in the corporation. But they hold this property to a special use, that of the support of public worship; and as the interests of the corporation, and of all its members, would be generally the same, there would seldom be any question about the rights of property. But there is another species of property connected with these church edifices to be considered, that of pews. We believe it was the practice in most of the territorial parishes, as well as in poll parishes hereafter to be mentioned, to appropriate a part of the area of each church to the erection of pews, which were usually sold, and the proceeds applied to the cost of the erection, or to the settlement and support of the minister, or other parish purposes.
The right to a pew, except in Boston, was regarded to many purposes as real estate, in which the proprietor had a freehold, for the invasion of which, a writ of entry, trespass quare clausum and other legal remedies, adapted to vindicate rights to real estate, were, and ever have been in constant,use. But in its nature [38] it was a freehold and estate of peculiar character, held in subordination to the corporation, who are the sole owners of the soil.
So where poll parishes were established, they were uniformly constituted corporations by special act of incorporation, such an act was an enabling act, creating a corporation having perpetual succession, and capable of holding real estate to a limited amount; and in such case the fee was in the corporation, to the use of pewholders and other members. Gay v. Baker, 17 Mass. 435.
But whatever may have been the law generally in the colony and province, by which the territory was divided into parishes, and every person dwelling therein was required to contribute to the support of public worship, if not specially exempted, it never did apply to the town of Boston. Probably because its numbers increased so rapidly, and it was so early found that more than one religious society would be necessary within its limits, it is believed that no attempt was ever made to organize the town as a parish, or to divide the territory into parishes. Religious societies were merely voluntary, and were freely formed and maintained by persons associated together for the purpose; and of. course they were formed upon such views of doctrine and discipline, and professed and inculcated such religious doctrines and tenets of belief, as their own consciences and views of Christian truth dictated. We have already cited the provincial act of 1693, exempting the inhabitants of Boston from the operation of a general law, and by implication giving a sanction to their “ way and practice ” as to the choice and maintenance of their ministers.
The statute of 28 G. 2, (1754,) though mainly designed for another purpose, that of giving limited corporate powers to the deacons of Congregational churches and to the wardens of Episcopal churches, to take and hold gifts to pious uses, contains a separate section upon this subject. The preamble recites, that “ the several congregations in the town of Boston, and some others under the like circumstances, are not by law enabled by vote to raise money for the support of the ministry and public worship among them; ” and the act provides that in such cases, [39] . where there is no adequate provision by law, (that is, we suppose, where not incorporated by law with the power of taxation,) they may, at a public meeting of proprietors of pews, or persons to whom they are allotted, called for that purpose, cause the several pews to be valued and taxed, the money to be applied to the support of the ministry and other necessary charges. It also provides that such proprietors may choose a clerk, and treasurer and collector. This last clause, to a certain extent, vested such body of proprietors with corporate powers, where they were not incorporated by law. Anc. Chart. 607.
Without multiplying authorities, we take it to be perfectly well established as matter of history, that the inhabitants of Boston never were compellable by law to pay taxes for the support of public worship ; that all religious societies were formed by voluntary association of those generally entertaining similar religious views in faith and practice. And it is believed that in many instances, if not the majority, these associations were not incorporated as poll parishes. At the early part of the present century, several religious societies were specially incorporated, probably for greater caution, though they had been in existence a great many years, and some of them from the earliest settlement of the town. For instance, the New North, June 22d 1803, one of the oldest; the New South, June 23d 1803, which had been in existence nearly a century. In other instances new and old societies were invested with new and additional corporate powers, as the First Church, worshipping in a meetinghouse called the Old Brick, which was actually the first religious society established in Boston, and the church in Brattle Street, by one and the same act, February 22d 1803. This last contains a clause requiring these societies, in all proceedings touch ing taxation, to conform to the laws in being, governing taxes of that nature in the town of Boston, saving the rights of proprie tors of pews. This provision implies some peculiar laws in force on this subject, in Boston.
Supposing then that most of the old societies of Boston were formed by association, without any act of incorporation, and there being no other body capable in law of taking and holding [40] the fee and legal estate of the land to be used for a church edifice and its incidents, the natural expedient which would present itself, when an agreement had been made by an unincorporated body of persons, associated together to form a new religious society, with the owner of the land, for its purchase, to take a tleed to and for the use and benefit of the whole, in the names of a few, who in their natural capacity coúld take and hold i.he legal estate in fee and in trust for those who had thus associated to form such society, and who had raised the money for that purpose. In such case, the trustees would hold nearly the same relation to the pewholders, the contributors and the members of the society so associated, as the corporation, whether of a territorial or poll parish, would hold to the members ; the legal estate would be in the trustees, and the entire use and beneficial interest in the members of the society. Such trustees might, and naturally would be, members of the association, most likely active members, and as such would have an equal share in the use and beneficial interest with other members.
Such being the parochial and ecclesiastical condition of the Province of Massachusetts, and especially the town of Boston, in 1730, and such the circumstances under which the society in Long Lane, now of the respondents, was formed, we proceed to examine the acts done and the facts disclosed by the evidence, in order to judge of the character of the institution there founded.
The first question, and that which lies at the foundation of this prosecution, is, whether this transaction constitutes a public charity.
After this lapse of time, and in the absence of full records, we must depend, for the facts, mainly on the deed of Little to Glen, and the award of referees in pursuance of which it was made, the recitals contained in these documents, and the inferences of fact to be fairly drawn from them.
From these documents, we think it is clearly proved that John Little, George Glen and many other persons had associated and united themselves together to erect a Presbyterian meeting-house, for public worship, as early as 1729 or 1730; that they had [41] agreed with Deering for the lot of land, at the price of £550 nearly two thousand dollars; that they agreed with John Little, one of their number, that he should take a deed from Deering in his own name, but for the benefit of the society; that he should proceed and make contracts for labor and materials, and erect a suitable house; to enable him to do which, the money raised by the associates, and probably the notes or obligations of some who did not pay money, were placed in Little’s hands, as the common agent. After four or five years, and probably after the meeting-house was nearly or quite finished, and after pews had been formed, and some of them, if not all, sold or otherwise appropriated to some of the members of the society, a controversy arose, between Little on the one part and the congregation on the other, in regard to their rights. We say between Little and the congregation, because, although the award itself states it to be between Little on the one side, and Glen and others, nine in all, on the other, yet the matter of the award shows it to have been a controversy with the congregation, concerning his accounts as their agent. Not being a corporation, they could not legally act in an aggregate name as a corporation; and their trustee being the adverse party, they must necessarily act by some of their own members for the rest. It is to be regretted that the submission under which the award was made cannot be produced; as it is, we can only read it by the reflected light appearing in the award.
The award first directs that said Glen and others, naming the nine, within the space of two months, pay or cause to be paid to Little the sum of ¿£140, 5d., which shall be in full of his demands against the congregation belonging to the Presbyterian Meeting-house in Long Lane in Boston, “ with respect to his attendance upon and looking after the building of the said meeting-house, and all his accounts of charges and disbursements about the same, and the land whereon it stands, as also touching and concerning the said Little’s purchase of the said land of Henry Deering, Esq.” It appears, therefore, that he had purchased the land, in his own name, at £550; that he had attended to the building of said meeting house, and charged his disburse [42] ments about the same, and also his disbursements for the land. Supposing the cost of the house two or three times that of the land, £1200 or £1500, and the balance due to him £140, it follows that he had received the difference in cash, or securities from which he had realized cash, from the various members of the congregation, or from other sources, as gifts to the congregation.
The referees next award that, upon the payment of said sum of £140, 5d., Little shall make “ unto the congregation ” a good lawful deed' of conveyance of the land, meeting-house ana appurtenances, “ to hold the same unto the said congregation, according to the tenures and after the same manner as the Church of Scotland hold and enjoy the lands whereon their meetinghouses are erected."
They next award that the right and interest which Little has in the meeting-house is the pew and seat therein, now in his possession, “ which is to remain good to him forever, in the same manner as the rest of the proprietors in the said meeting do hold and enjoy their respective rights and interests therein.”
They then award that Little shall assign to Glen and others, the nine named, as they are a committee chosen and appointed by said congregation for managing the prudential affairs thereof, all the outstanding debts due to the congregation, amounting to £54, 5s., and they divide the costs between the parties.
It is to be remembered here, that by the award, the deed was to be made to the congregation, the referees probably not being aware that by the rule of law, existing then as well as now, a conveyance could not be legally made to an unincorporated body of individuals, by an aggregate name; and that such a deed would be inoperative and void.
Another thing to be observed is, that, at the time of the submission and award, the congregation were represented by a com mittee of nine of their number, as a prudential committee; and at the time of the conveyance, two months afterwards, four only were representing the congregation, and acting as a prudential committee, showing, in both cases, that the persons named were agents, and the congregation were the party in beneficial interest.
[43] We then come to the conveyance in the form of an indenture, made June 9th 1735. It is made between John Little on the one part, and Glen, Hall, Shaw and Knox, “ for themselves and as a committee chosen and appointed by the rest of the congregation belonging to the Presbyterian Meeting-house in Long Lane in Boston, for managing the prudential affairs thereof,” on the other part. The deed then, by apt words, in consideration- of ¿£140, 5d., the precise amount of the balance awarded Little, conveys to Glen, Hall, Shaw and Knox, the land, (bounded and described,) also the meeting-house on the same, with all privileges ; reserving to Little, the grantor, his heirs and assigns, the pew and seat therein then in his possession, to remain good to him, his heirs and assigns forever, in the same manner as the rest of the proprietors do hold and enjoy then respective rights, which right was ascertained by the award of Sheafe, Boutineau, and Vans; to have and to hold the land, meeting-house, premises and appurtenances (saving and reserving as aforesaid) to said Glen, Hall, Shaw and Knox, “ in their capacity aforesaid, and to their successors in that trust and office forever, but to and for the only proper use, benefit and behoof of the said congregation, (according to the tenures and after the same manner as the Church of Scotland hold and enjoy the lands, whereon the meeting-houses are erected,) forever, and for no other use, intent or purpose whatsoever,” with warranty.
We have now to inquire what effect this conveyance had upon the rights of the respective parties. In the first place, it seems quite clear that it transferred the premises, and vested the entire legal estate in the four grantees. We say nothing at present as to the quantity of estate, whether for life or in fee; we shall consider that point hereafter. A good legal estate passed from the grantor, and vested in the grantees. But it was so vested in them to and for the only proper use, benefit and behoof of the said congregation forever, and for no other use, intent or purpose whatsoever. This created an estate in trust; for though the words “ in trust ” are not used in this deed, yet, as the habendum is to them and their successors in that trust, it sufficiently describes them as trustees by implication. But further, and this [44] puts the matter beyond doubt, where property is conveyed to the use of a party not capable of taking the legal estate, it cannot vest in the cestui que use, by the statute of uses; therefore, by a well known rule of construction early engrafted on the St of H. 8, it constitutes an estate in trust in the first takers. They therefore took an estate in trust for the congregation. Though the term congregation, as in the present case, designates a number of persons associated, but not incorporated, so that they are incapable by law to take a legal estate by such conveyance, yet it is a good description of persons who may be cestuis que trust, and beneficially interested. In general, it may be said that the congregation, before the sale of pews, consists of those who have in fact united together, and by mutual agreement under seal, or by any less formal mode, by the subscription of papers or otherwise, have agreed to form a religious society, and have contributed, or bound themselves to contribute, towards the cost of buildings and the support of public worship. As agreement and union are the essence of such voluntary religious societies we are not prepared to say that persons not able to contribute to the pecuniary means of such society, but otherwise capable of being useful and desirable associates, might not be received as members. But as there is nothing to show that there were any persons included in this congregation but those who had contributed or promised money, it is not necessary to go further than to determine that those who have thus united and contributed shall be deemed members. Where pews have been sold, or have been assigned and set apart, to be held in severalty, this is conclusive evidence that such pewholders are members of the congregation. If such pews are sold and assigned to contributors, (and most of them probably would be, because it is a probable conclusion that the largest contributors and the most efficient promoters of the enterprise would be likely to take pews,) they would of course be members. But even if sold to strangers, it must be in pursuance of some by-law or regulation agreed upon by the actual associates and members of the congregation, and therefore such sale of a pew would be conclusive evidence of their assent to accept and receive such purchaser of a pew as an associate and member.
[45] The right to a pew, although everywhere in Massachusetts it is regarded as property, and, in every part of the State except Boston, as real estate,