Alto Dairy v. Veneman, Ann

CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedJuly 15, 2003
Docket02-3422
StatusPublished

This text of Alto Dairy v. Veneman, Ann (Alto Dairy v. Veneman, Ann) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Alto Dairy v. Veneman, Ann, (7th Cir. 2003).

Opinion

In the United States Court of Appeals For the Seventh Circuit ____________

No. 02-3422

ALTO DAIRY, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellants, v.

ANN VENEMAN, Secretary of Agriculture, Defendant-Appellee, and

CONTINENTAL DAIRY PRODUCTS, INC., et al., Intervening Defendants-Appellees. ____________ Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. No. 02 C 750—William C. Griesbach, Judge. ____________ ARGUED MAY 21, 2003—DECIDED JULY 15, 2003 ____________

Before FLAUM, Chief Judge, and POSNER and MANION, Circuit Judges. POSNER, Circuit Judge. Dairy farmers located mainly in Wisconsin brought this suit to enjoin an amendment (adopted by the Department of Agriculture after a formal rulemaking proceeding; published at 7 C.F.R. § 1033.7(c)(2); and explained in Milk in the Mideast Marketing Area; Interim 2 No. 02-3422

Order Amending the Order, 67 Fed. Reg. 48743 (July 26, 2002)) to the federal rules regulating the price of milk. These rules are called “milk marketing orders,” and so the amend- ment is also a milk marketing order. The district judge held that the plaintiffs lacked standing to challenge the amendment, not in the Article III sense that the plaintiffs had suffered and would suffer no harm from the amend- ment, or would derive no benefit from a judgment invali- dating the amendment, but in the sense of having been denied by Congress a right to sue. So he dismissed the suit for lack of federal jurisdiction. But he went on to de- clare that, if he was wrong about jurisdiction, the suit would still have to be dismissed because the plaintiffs’ challenge lacked merit. The plaintiffs have appealed, chal- lenging the judge’s ruling on standing and also arguing that if there is standing we should reach the merits and vacate the amendment because the Department of Agricul- ture failed to give them proper notice concerning the re- lief that might emerge from the rulemaking proceeding. While the Department defends the judge’s ruling on stand- ing, it has also responded to the plaintiffs’ argument on the merits. The merits having thus been fully briefed, we can decide them if there is standing. The federal scheme for regulating the price of milk pivots on the fact that milk is more highly valued by the market when it is sold for fluid consumption than when it is sold as an input into the manufacture of cheese or other dairy products. If milk were perishable, as it was in the days before refrigerated storage and transportation, dairy farmers serving urban markets (where milk is more likely to be consumed in fluid form than made into cheese or butter) would get higher prices for their output than dairy farmers remote from cities, who being unable to ship their milk a long distance would perforce sell most of it to manufac- turers of cheese and other dairy products. But when refrig- No. 02-3422 3

erated storage and transportation arrived on the scene, it became feasible for the remote dairy farmers—Wisconsin dairy farmers, for example—to ship milk to cities in other states, pushing down the price of fluid milk there and so hurting the dairy farmers who were located near those cities. This was a natural, procompetitive development, as in other cases in which a reduction in the quality-adjusted cost of transportation enlarges geographic markets. But the federal regulatory scheme for milk, like so much economic regulation adopted during the Great Depression of the 1930s (much of it, however, since abolished as a consequence of the deregulation movement), is premised on dissatisfaction with the results of competition, polemi- cally described as “ruinous” by those producer interests that it pinches. (For a near unintelligible description of conditions thought to render competition among dairy farmers unworkable, see Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502, 517-18 (1934).) To limit the competition between remote and proximate dairy farmers for the lucrative fluid-milk business of the cities, Congress in the Agricultural Market- ing Agreement Act of 1937, 50 Stat. 246, as amended, 7 U.S.C. §§ 601 et seq., authorized the Department of Agri- culture to proceed as follows. The Department fixes a minimum price for each “class” of milk, with class deter- mined by end use: thus the price fixed for milk intended for fluid consumption is higher than the price fixed for milk intended for cheese. This “value of service” pricing, conventional in regulated industries, is actually a form of price discrimination, that is, pricing guided not by cost (the cost of producing milk is the same regardless of the use to which the milk is put by the purchaser), as under competition, but by differences across consumers in willing- ness to pay. Price discrimination increases sellers’ profits, thus counteracting the alleged (though almost certainly 4 No. 02-3422

spurious) tendency of dairy farmers to destroy their busi- ness by competing overvigorously. More realistically, milk price discrimination is intended to redistribute wealth from consumers to producers of milk. Farmers of course do not sell directly to the ultimate consumer. The direct purchasers of milk from dairy farmers are referred to as “handlers.” They might be owners of supply plants (of which more later), or milk distribu- tors, cheese factories, or other intermediaries in the milk market. It is the handlers who pay the prices fixed by the federal regulators. The revenues generated by the dis- criminatory pricing scheme and received in the first in- stance by the handlers are pooled, and each dairy farmer whose sales contributed to the pool receives a share of the revenues that is equal to his percentage not of the total revenues of the pool’s members but of their total physical output. By virtue of this method of dividing up the pot, each farmer receives the same price (called a “blended” price) for each unit of milk that he sells regard- less of the end use of his milk. A farmer who sold all his milk to a cheese factory (in fact most milk produced in Wisconsin is used to make cheese, rather than being drunk) would receive from the pool the same price per unit of output as a farmer who sold all his milk for fluid consumption, even though the handler would have paid a much lower price for the former than for the latter milk. The result, or at least the intended result, is that the first farmer in our example, the one who sells all his milk to a cheese factory, will have no incentive to divert some of his output to the fluid market, where the price is high- er, because the price that he receives for the milk he sells is independent of the use to which that milk is put. Such a diversion, what economists call “arbitrage,” would un- dermine and, if uncontrolled, eventually destroy the scheme of discriminatory pricing and thus reduce the No. 02-3422 5

incomes of dairy farmers as a group. The distant farmers are “kept in their place,” as it were—kept selling locally to the cheesemakers rather than trying to sell to fluid-milk distributors in the cities—by being given a share of fluid- milk revenues. The fly in the ointment, and the cause of the present litigation, is that the Agriculture Department has divided the nation into regions and fixed different blended prices in the different regions. The blended price is higher in regions in which fluid-milk consumption is a higher frac- tion of total milk use, because in such regions a higher fraction of milk is sold to handlers at the high minimum price that the Agriculture Department has set for milk consumed in fluid form.

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