Aboutaam v. El Assaad

CourtDistrict Court, S.D. New York
DecidedMarch 31, 2020
Docket1:18-cv-08995
StatusUnknown

This text of Aboutaam v. El Assaad (Aboutaam v. El Assaad) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, S.D. New York primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Aboutaam v. El Assaad, (S.D.N.Y. 2020).

Opinion

USDC SDNY DOCUMENT UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT ELECTRONICALLY FLED

HICHAM ABOUTAAM, :

Plaintiff, : -against- : 1:18-CV-8995 (ALC) : OPINION AND ORDER AHMAD EL ASSAAD and PRIDE INVESTS : SAL, . Defendants.

re eee cee eee cee eee ce eee ee eee eee eee X ANDREW L. CARTER, JR., United States District Judge:

BACKGROUND Plaintiff Hicham Aboutaam brings this action alleging fraud, fraudulent inducement, and breach of contract against Ahmad El Assaad and his Company Pride Invests SAL. (Am. Compl. ECF No. 14). Defendants now move to dismiss Plaintiff's complaint in its entirety. (ECF No. 39). Plaintiff moves for partial summary judgment. (ECF No. 71). Defendants’ motion to dismiss is DENIED in part with prejudice and DENIED in part without prejudice. Plaintiff's motion for partial summary judgment is DENIED without prejudice. I. Facts Plaintiff Aboutaam is the cofounder of an art gallery in Switzerland and the owner of a New York art gallery. He is a citizen of New York, New York. (Am. Compl. at 4] 5). Defendant El Assaad is a real estate developer and the Founder and Chairman of a Lebanese political party

called the Lebanese Option Party (“LOP”). He is a citizen of Beirut, Lebanon. (Id. at ¶ 6). Private Invests SAL is business in Lebanon that conducts business in New York through its Chairman, El Assaad. (Id. at ¶ 7). El Assaad helped to start a charity called Saving the Next Generation (“SNG”), which aids children in impoverished areas of Lebanon. (Id. at ¶ 14). El Assaad told Aboutaam about

SNG’s mission “to revitalize and encourage Lebanese youth to become world citizens and ambassadors for a modern, progressive Lebanon” on multiple occasions between 2012 and 2014. (Id. at ¶ 15). SNG’s website also made claims about the Organization’s progress. The site claimed SNG had enrolled “500 children to participate in 19 weekend camps and 60 day trips” and had met other, similar milestones through 2013. (Id.). After 2013, Plaintiff alleges that SNG did very little. (Id.). El Assaad allegedly encouraged Aboutaam to donate money to SNG repeatedly. (Id. at ¶ 16). In a July 2012 conversation, Aboutaam expressed concerns about the impropriety of the Charity having a political affiliation. (Id. at ¶ 17a). El Assaad assured Aboutaam that “the

contributions [would] not have any relationships to [his] politics.” (Id.) In an October 2012 discussion, El Assaad again committed to maintaining separation between the Charity and politics. The two discussed revising SNG’s promotional DVD to eliminate all political references on multiple occasions in 2014, 2015, and 2016. (Id. at ¶ 17b). In November 2014, “Mr. El Assaad met with Mr. Aboutaam to discuss a proposal by a potential SNG donor to include impoverished Palestinian children in refugee camps.” (Id. at ¶ 17c). El Assaad had communicated that he only wanted to support Lebanese children, which Aboutaam said could be construed as reflecting SNG’s political agenda. “El Assaad repeated his categorical denial of any relationship between his political party and SNG.” (Id.) Aboutaam also alleges that El Assaad stayed silent when other SNG employees made statements to him and other donors communicating SNG’s independence from El Assaad’s political group. (Id. at ¶ 19). According to Aboutaam, El Assaad’s statements were false and he knew they were false at the time he made them. Aboutaam asserts that El Assaad made these statements to induce him to donate funds, which El Assaad used to support his political ambitions. (Id. at ¶¶ 18, 52).

Aboutaam relied on these false representations in choosing to support SNG financially and by organizing fund-raising events in New York City using his own local contacts. (Id. at ¶ 20). Aboutaam allegedly contributed $30,000 to SNG personally through direct donations and his donation of artwork for a fund-raising auction. (Id. at ¶ 21). In around April 2015, El Assaad induced Aboutaam into another financial commitment. El Assad explained that his real estate business had a luxury apartment building called The Magnolia in Yarzeh, Lebanon with individual units called townhouses. (Id. at ¶¶ 24, 29). He told Aboutaam that he would personally have a townhouse apartment in the development and was offering several other Lebanese-American businessmen the opportunity to purchase pre-

construction units. (Id. at ¶ 25). He emphasized, among other things, that the development had “unobstructed, sunset views” and was in a quiet neighborhood. (Id. at ¶¶ 24–25). El Assaad also told Aboutaam that he had exclusivity rights that would prevent anyone else from being able to buy and develop properties surrounding the Magnolia. (Id. at ¶ 58). Aboutaam agreed to purchase a townhouse and he and El Assaad entered into a Sale Agreement on June 25, 2015, wherein Aboutaam committed to pay $810,000 for at apartment in the Magnolia. El Assaad conducted the transaction through Pride Invests. (Id. at ¶ 29). The Agreement provided that “El Assaad would ‘immediately return to [Mr. Aboutaam] all sums paid by him without any compensations or commissions if Mr. Aboutaam decided to revoke his investment.” (Id.) (internal quotation marks omitted). In the middle of 2016, El Assaad offered Aboutaam a business opportunity to “enter into a partnership to promote a new real estate market—selling villas and apartments that Mr. El Assaad claimed to be developing in the south of France, in Mougins, Cannes and Theoule

SurMer, which were once heavily promoted on prideofcotedazur.com but no longer appear there.” (Id. at ¶ 30). El Assaad called the business “Pride of Cote d’Azur Realty LLC” (Id. at ¶ 41), and told Aboutaam “he expected to sell $20 million in property the first year and that sales would grow from there.” (Id. at ¶ 35). He also communicated “that he had already purchased two pieces of property in the south of France and would be buying more. He explained that he was already getting the building licenses and his architects were finalizing the plans.” (Id. at ¶ 36). The “business plan called for potential home buyers to provide down payments on pre- construction properties in the south of France that were to be built on land that Mr. El Assaad claimed he already owned.” (Id. at ¶ 45).

El Assaad also “invited Mr. Aboutaam to travel to the property and meet the architects,” (Id.), and about two months later, in October 2016, Aboutaam travelled to France, where El Assaad showed him architectural drawings for the project and took him to visit the land El Assaad said he owned. (Id. at ¶ 38). The two also toured other potential properties with real estate brokers. Aboutaam stayed in a villa in Cannes that El Assaad asserted was his own, but that Aboutaam later learned was rented. (Id. at ¶ 39). He told Aboutaam that if they partnered, they would share all expenses and profits. (Id. at ¶ 41). According to Aboutaam, the whole venture and trip was a scam. El Assaad owned no property to sell in France. (Id. at ¶ 40–41). Before Aboutaam realized the fraudulent nature of the business, he entered into a limited liability company agreement with El Assaad to create Pride of Cote d’Azur Realty, LLC, a Delaware company. (Id. at ¶ 44). The Agreement provided that each party owned a 50% interest in the company and that “profits and losses shall be allocated…according to their Percentage Interests.” (Id.) After entering into their agreement, the parties entered into a lease for a

Company office in New York. It was a 62-month lease costing an average of $6,320 a month. (Id. at ¶ 46). El Assaad’s share of the five-year rental fees was $ 145,360.” (Id.) Aboutaam realized the business was fraudulent when, over time, the Company never built anything. Aboutaam insisted repeatedly that they start construction, but allegedly, El Assaad resisted and emphasized that the delay was industry standard. (Id. at ¶¶ 47–48).

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